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Is Trudeau to blame for Carney's disappointing budget?
In this episode of Hub Headlines, Sean Spear examines the implications of the Carney government's recent budget, attributing its challenges to the Trudeau administration's past decisions. He...
Is Trudeau to blame for Carney's disappointing budget?
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Welcome to Hub Headlines.
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Today's program features the weekly rap by the hub's editor at large, Sean Spear,
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who analyzes the big story shaping politics, policy, and the economy in the week that was.
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Today he discusses how, once again, the Carney government is stuck with Trudeau's bill.
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How Trudeau's immigration policies were unsustainable.
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And whether Carney can find an alternative, and why conservatives should lament the course of Canada's courts,
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and do something about it.
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A big yet under-discussed part of the Carney government's budget is its comprehensive expenditure review,
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which is projected to achieve $13 billion in annualized savings by 2029 to 2030.
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The largest single source of savings is adjustments to the indexing of the pensions for retired public servants.
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It's projected to net $5.8 billion over four years, or an average of about $1.45 billion per year.
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These fiscal savings only offset a small fraction of the government's increased spending,
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and therefore will have minimal effect on deficits or debt in the coming years.
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The whole exercise reinforces the costs of the Trudeau government's regrettable decision
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to reverse the Harper government's plan to raise the old age security eligibility age from 65 to 67.
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The real budgetary consequences are arriving now, and will compound through the decade.
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Readers will recall that the 2012 reform would have phased in gradually, starting April 1, 2023,
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and reached their full effect by January 2029.
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The office of the superintendent of financial institutions later estimated that these changes would have saved just over $11 billion annually as of 2030.
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Given the phase in period, it's reasonable to assume that it would have generated roughly $5 to $6 billion this year.
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That would represent nearly half of the Carney government's own savings target and exceed its largest savings measure by far.
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One cannot help but think that Prime Minister Carney wishes that he could claim those savings now in light of the fiscal pressures that his government is facing.
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The uncomfortable truth is that the Trudeau government's short-term political calculus a decade ago has become a long-term structural problem for today's policy makers.
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Ottawa now finds itself scouring departmental budgets for efficiency savings, while a single policy reversal continues to add billions
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in permanent and compounding costs every year.
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The budget reinforces a deeper lesson about fiscal policy.
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Prudence delayed is prudence denied.
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It's far easier to score political points by undoing tough policy decisions than it is to make them.
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The Harper government tried to get ahead of an aging population.
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The Trudeau government reversed it, and now the Carney government is stuck with the bill.
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One of the underappreciated developments in the Carney government's first budget is the recalibration of Canada's immigration targets.
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Although there have been criticisms, some have observed, for instance, that actual immigration numbers will likely exceed the headline targets.
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The broader direction remains clear.
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The new targets bring immigration levels broadly closer to those of the Harper years than the Trudeau years.
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That's a significant economic development.
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Immigration has been the main driver of Canada's headline GDP growth over the past several years, which, as we've documented at the hub, has masked the deeper problem of stagnant productivity and declining output per person.
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Had immigration levels remained closer to their historic norm, it's quite possible that the Canadian economy would have been in or near recession.
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The Trudeau government's immigration policy was, in effect, an exercise in demand management.
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By flooding the economy with new consumers, workers, and renters, it could generate headline growth even as productivity faltered and investment stagnated.
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The costs on housing, infrastructure, and social cohesion were left for future governments to absorb.
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The Carney government has chosen a different path.
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Its decision to unwind some of the excesses of Trudeau era immigration represents an implicit rejection of the idea that growth can be imported rather than earned.
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It will, however, make the underlying challenge of low productivity even more acute.
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With fewer new arrivals propping up headline numbers, Canada will need to find growth from other sources.
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The key takeaway is that one way to read this budget is as a repudiation of the Trudeau government's immigration-driven growth model, precisely because it was reckless and unsustainable.
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But that doesn't mean the Carney government has yet found a credible alternative.
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A temporary fiscal cushion is not a productivity plan, and lower immigration alone won't fix the economy's structural weaknesses.
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After too long of relying on population growth to paper over stagnation, Ottawa must finally confront economic reality.
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The recent decision by the Supreme Court of Canada, in Attorney General of Quebec 5 Sen. has rightly received criticism from conservative commentators.
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In particular, I'd encourage readers to check out Howard Anglin's thoughtful analysis for the hub.
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At its heart, the court struck down a one-year mandatory minimum for possession or accessing child sexual abuse material on the basis that a uniform penalty could hypothetically capture young adults in consensual relationships.
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As much as the decision has provoked conservatives, it's important to note that it wasn't unanimous.
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Four justices, Chief Justice Richard Wagner and Justices Suzanne Cote, Michelle Obonsoin and Malcolm Rowe, dissented.
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The crux of their dissent was that the mandatory minimum served the legitimate objectives of denunciation, deterrence, and community condemnation of child sexual abuse material, and that the hypothetical scenario put forward by the majority was to remote to trigger gross disproportionality.
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As the dissenters wrote, the constitutional standard of a grossly disproportionate sentence is a demanding standard that requires the exercise of normative judgment.
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A sentence that is merely excessive does not cross the constitutional line. It must be so excessive as to be incompatible with human dignity.
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When a court engages in normative reasoning to determine whether a sentence for child pornography is so long that it becomes grossly disproportionate, the court must necessarily bear in mind the profound wrongfulness and harmfulness of these crimes.
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These heinous offenses call for strong condemnation. The court owes greater deference to Parliament's decision to enact the mandatory minimum.
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From a conservative perspective, this case underscores two imperatives. First, cultivating a network of law students, lawyers, and legal scholars who reject left-wing judicial policymaking.
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Second, winning elections and appointing such jurists to the bench.
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To that second point, one of the regrettable outcomes of April's election, particularly if the Carney government lasts a full term, is that it will enable the Prime Minister to appoint Justice Rose successor when he retires sometime between now and 2028.
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Losing Roe will be a serious loss for common sense, and for the country.
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Although appointed by Prime Minister Trudeau, he has distinguished himself for his pragmatism and thoughtful restraint, reflected not only in this dissent but also in his 2024 keynote address to the Runnymead Society, where he urged judges to respect institutional boundaries and resist the temptation to legislate.
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His voice, including in this case, is valuable precisely because of his pension for prudence.
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Conservatives rightly lament the direction of Canada's courts. The Senate will decision offers another reason to do so. Yet in Rose dissent, we're reminded that judicial restraint and democratic humility still have a small number of defenders.
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There's an onus on the critics of judicial activism to add to their numbers.
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That's it for today's edition of Hub Headlines. We hope you enjoyed the program. Hub Headlines is produced by Alicia Rao.
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This program was narrated by automated voices. Thanks for listening.
Topics Covered
Hub Headlines
Sean Spear
Carney government
Trudeau's immigration policies
Canada's courts
comprehensive expenditure review
fiscal savings
old age security eligibility
immigration targets
economic growth
productivity challenges
Supreme Court of Canada
judicial restraint
conservative perspectives
mandatory minimum sentences
child sexual abuse material