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France's political impasse and Macron's legacy w/ Sebastian Budgen
In this episode of Politics Theory, host Alex Doritty speaks with Sebastian Budgen about the ongoing political crisis in France, focusing on President Macron's recent appointment of his third Pri...
France's political impasse and Macron's legacy w/ Sebastian Budgen
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Hello and welcome to another
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episode of Politics Theory. My name is Alex Doritty. Firstly, a big thanks to Juliet
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Jake's and Paris Marx for their very able presenting of the show while I was away.
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And if you missed their episodes with Cecilia Rickap on digital sovereignty and James Schneider
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on Britain's new left party, then do go check them out. My guest today is Sebastian Budgeon,
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who returns to the show to talk about the political crisis in France, where French President
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Emmanuel Macron has appointed his third Prime Minister in a year as he seeks to get an austerity
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budget through the French Parliament. We talked about the political background of the new Prime
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Minister and longtime Macron ally, Sebastian Lecognou, and whether the French Socialist Party is
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likely to prop up the new government and vote through a budget. We also talked about how the radical
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left La France into Mise and Jean-Luc Melanchon have handled the campaign of demonisation they have
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been subjected to by the French media. Finally, we talked about the legal troubles of
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Marine La Pen and the electoral prospects for the far right national rally. If you find this
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interview useful, then please do consider becoming a £5 supporter of the show on Patreon.
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The show depends entirely upon listener support, and as well as keeping the PTO show on the road,
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you'll also get access to bonus content, such as the recent listener questions episodes with
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Richard Seymour. You can support the show in £ or whatever your local currency happens to be,
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and you can play any amount you choose. Go to patreon.com, forward slash poltherry other to sign up.
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Sebastian Budgin is a senior editor at Verso Books and serves on the editorial board for the journal
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Historical Materialism. Following the vote of no confidence early this month that ended
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Francois Barrouze's time in office as French Prime Minister, the French President Emmanuel Macron
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has appointed his long-standing political ally Sebastian Lecunou, making him France's third
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Prime Minister this calendar year, something that has occasioned a fair bit of amusement in the
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Italian media where there is talk of France now, taking on Italy's mantle of being a byword
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for political and economic instability. One of Macron's former economic advisors commented after
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the appointment that with Lecunou, it basically means that Macron is Prime Minister. Macron and
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Lecunou are essentially one. Is that an accurate assessment in your opinion? Could you say a bit about
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Lecunou's political background and what he's timing government, including as Minister for the Armed
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Forces and Minister for France's overseas territories, can tell us about him?
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I think it's true that France initially has changed places in terms of the governmental instability.
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We all remember the jokes about governments every three months or even less in Italy during
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a whole period of time and the stability, the bipartisan stability that the French Fifth Republic
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offered for so many decades has clearly collapsed now. Some people have compared the situation now
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to the situation of the fourth republic which was also very unstable terms of governmental
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governments rising and falling. So that's certainly true. Lecunou follows Michel Barne, who was supposed
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to be the figure of the reassuring figure of the kind of a bain bourgeois right with a strong EU
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background. He was followed by Francois Beiro, who is centre-right figure with a kind of Catholic
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background. In fact, he got into trouble because in his constituency there's a Catholic school where
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he also sent his kids to where there were big scannels about sexual and physical abuse that he
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covered up. And then we have Sebastien Lecunou, who is also from the right. He's very young. He's
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born in 1986. He comes from a middle-class background but hasn't really done anything apart from
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being professional politics. He went to Catholic school, claimed that he had a master's in a law
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in the University of Paris, where it was found out that he didn't actually have proper master's
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because he'd never finished the process. And he started very quickly in his career as at the age of 16,
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as a member of UNB, the Union Bulamogmogp Popular, which was the new name for the right party,
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joining the youth wing and then becoming a parliamentary assistant and rising up the ranks,
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until he finally joined the national bureau of the Republicans, which was the new name,
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after the UNB in 2015. He was quite close to Boino-Lemere, who was then the Chief Minister of
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the Economy. He's basically completely unknown in the French or almost completely unknown in
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the French context. It's not someone who has really marked French politics in any serious way.
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Nobody's really heard of him. He has had various ministerial responsibilities, most importantly
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Minister de l'Isltre-Mère, so Minister for the part of France outside of the metropolitan
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France, so you know the New Caledonia, the Caribbean and so on. He was also a minister of the armies.
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So yeah, he's very much somebody who's seen as extremely close to Macron, kind of yes man,
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who is much in the Macronist mold. The only slight controversies that they've been about
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here, they've been about him, are that he came across as somewhat homophobic in some statements
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that he made in the past, so he's clearly sort of in that outer edges of the Catholic right that
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finds gay marriage and homosexuality in general a problem. And most importantly, it was revealed that
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he had had a couple of private confidential dinners with Marine Nupin as a kind of footsie exercise
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between the right and the far right. And that was obviously supposed to be completely confidential
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and that got leaked to the press. You know, he claims to be from the gallist social right, as it were,
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but from what is possible to tell, he's basically a neoliberal very much in the Macron
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mold with this slight Catholic team, if you like.
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There have been differing interpretations of what his appointment tells us about Macron's intentions
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regarding trying to pass a budget. Some have argued that the appointment of this figure of the
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right, as you describe a one-time advisor to psychosy, close confidante of Macron, indicates that
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Lacorno will be tasked as Beirut was with trying to pass another austerity budget. Perhaps
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unsuccessfully it seems hard to see how simply doing the same thing over and over again achieves
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anything. Others argue that Lacorno will be given more room to maneuver and that he will offer
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concessions to the socialist party in the hope of passing a budget with their support, which we'd
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also have the benefits of splitting the left and splitting the socialist party from the france
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into means. Which interpretation looks more accurate in this moment, do you think?
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Both. It's clear that the Bill government tried to stir up an enormous feeling of crisis and
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urgency around debt, France's debt burden and used that as the justification for a very, very
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swinging set of austerity measures. And this is why they've been talking about France having to go
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to the IMF and the sort of rhetoric. Yeah, nonsense. So they wanted to cut something like 44
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billion from the budget and that involved some quite symbolic things like canceling to public holidays
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and so on and so forth. And that was one of the reasons that the Beirut government fell.
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Clearly, the line is still the same under Lacorno, but they've had to reduce their ambitions
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about the level of cuts that they want to push through. What exactly the figure they will come
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up with is unclear because as you say, they are in quote-unquote negotiations or discussions
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with the socialist party and the trade unions on the other side. Whatever figure they come up with,
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it will still be a austerity budget. It just won't be as outrageously swinging as
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that posed by the previous government. I mean, look on you, has the advantage of being as a
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safe, fairly unknown, not somebody known for his enormous ego as Beirut was, therefore,
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you know, perhaps considered both by the far right because of their sort of previous associations
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with him and potentially by the socialist party as an interlocutor with whom they would have
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perhaps more luck in, you know, ringing a few concessions out. They they see him perhaps to
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somebody who is, you know, at least easier to talk to, but I don't think that that means any
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serious inflection in terms of the overall economic programme. I mean, you've already touched on
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that there a little bit about overheated rhetoric about France's economic situation, but nonetheless,
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in this moment, France is a bit of a European outlier. The budget deficit is nearly double that
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you use 3% ceiling, although we could perhaps talk about how much wriggle-room there is with the
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EU's fiscal rules. And the debt pile currently stands at about 114% of GDP. We had this moment
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earlier this month where the Fitch Credit Rating Agency downgraded France from AA- to A-plus,
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the country's lowest level on record. Clearly, this can be seen through the lens of really
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primarily a political dispute about the direction that France wants to go, but do you think the
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economic crisis is to some extent real? Well, I only know, like all these things, it depends how you
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look at it. Yes, there is a big debt burden, and yes, it's worth pointing out that, you know, this
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is being one that's built up under the stewardship of Macau, who was supposed to be, you know,
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they called him the Motestar to Finance, and was supposed to have, you know, through his startup
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nation, style, pro-business agenda was supposed to have taken France onto a new growth path,
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and so on and so forth. And clearly, the degree of mismanagement here is quite startling in the
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light of those earlier claims. One also has to take into account, Aslamis has been doing consistently
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over this last period, that you can only judge the size of the debt comparatively to whether
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the direction in which the state revenue is heading, and it's clear that the enormous concessions
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that the Macau government has made both two businesses and to the rich in France over the whole
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period since he was first appointed president in 2017 have been to compress income for the state
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revenue for the state. So obviously in that context where you have increased spending partly to do
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with the COVID crisis, and then of course the plans to rearm France and invest massively in the
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defense industries. When you have new spending and reduced income, then you get a growing debt
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burden, but you know, that is a political decision to have reduced those taxes and that fiscal weight
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on the capitalist and richer classes. I think we might come back to the budget, but for a moment
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let's just talk about lock on to the block everything movement, which emerged in response to the
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proposed austerity budget of the Bay Area Government, which led to his fall. The movement resulted
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in these major protests and strikes on the 10th and then the 18th of September, with the latter
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bringing over 500,000 people into the streets according to the interior ministry over a million
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according to the CGT union. What is the composition of block everything and how does it relate to
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the broader left in France in this moment? Well the block everything movement started basically online
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probably in some kind of sovereigntyist slash far-right websites, but quickly became viral and was
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rapidly taken over by people with other kinds of politics, mainly from the left and particularly
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the radical left. So it was spontaneous in the sense that it was initially a kind of series of
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online initiatives, but quickly became a sort of banner behind which the most contestatory parts
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of the French left rallied behind and took it in a different direction from that which it might
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have gone. There was talk that about block on to being a kind of revival of the Gilles de Genre
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movement, which as you remember had this kind of plebian cross-class character and also was very
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deeply rooted outside of the big cities and fronts in the Perry urban and the rural areas of France.
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And was rather mistrusted by parts of the left right? Initially, yeah for sure because it had a
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class character that was unusual, involved, you know, self-employed, small business people,
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as well as people from a more straightforwardly working class background, but coming from areas
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where the left and trade unions are historically extremely weak and so on and so forth. And so there
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was a fear at that time that it would become a movement that would have strong anti-immigration and
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pro-far-right kind of positions. It didn't turn out that way at all. Immigration highly came up
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at all in the Gilles de Genre movement. It was very much plebian movement of protest against
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Macron and his policies. So there was talk that block on to would be a revival of that movement.
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I think that was true probably in some areas of particularly provincial France, but block on to
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turn out to be much more straightforwardly metropolitan movement in the big cities. Very young,
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very much the core constituencies of the people who vote for Minne-Alshan, Fosse-Alsoumise,
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amongst the white population, if you like, didn't. It's not a movement that had a strong
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anchorage in the volume, but it was clearly a movement of serious mobilization amongst
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particularly younger people and a kind of post-graduate new middle class that has been radicalised
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over the last few years in the direction of Macron's social needs. People who are obviously
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in precarious jobs with downward prospects, the kind of classic thing we see with their new left
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movements across the world, whether it's in the UK, in the US and so on. So when I say new
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middle class, I don't mean people who have sort of stable, necessarily stable, comfortable,
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reasonably paid jobs. In spite of the origins of the block everything movement,
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whether they're emerging out of these right-wing message boards and so on,
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is it right to say that the National Rally have been pretty entirely critical and have not
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sought to play many ownership over the movement? Yeah, absolutely. At the beginning, I think they
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were vacillating little and wondering whether it was worthwhile than trying to invest anything in it
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when they saw that it became much more closely identified with the left. They withdrew from it
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quite decisively and didn't call for participation in the only form. This is obviously linked to a
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sort of broader strategy that they've been engaged in since European elections, which is to prove
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their respectability towards the employing classes that Bardela particularly is on a major
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charm offensive towards the bosses and the captivists and the media representatives of those
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circles to show that left hand stuff for me is the irresponsible violent force and the
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National Rally is the force of stability and security and in fact of new liberal policies in
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many ways, although they have to also reckon with having also a working class base which
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wouldn't be happy with them dropping some of their key demands, such as the demands over the
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pension reforms and so on and so forth. That charm offensive is the business that you describe
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on the part of the National Rally. Up to this point, you think it's not really hurting them
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in the polls because you can sort of imagine that the RN might be better served by pivoting closer
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to business after an election, because that insurgent character is quite important to maintaining
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their voter coalition. At the moment, they're walking on two legs. They have their base which they
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still have things to offer of a symbolic nature such as opposition to some of the reforms
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of the welfare state and the pension reforms, although one should be careful there are other
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reforms that they're in favor of. They're also not prepared to go for any serious forms of
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fiscal justice. Taxes are something that they don't want to... There's a lot of debate at the
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moment. For example, about taxing the hyperrich and the zookman tax and so on and so forth. That is not
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an arena in which they want to go. They still have that social base around those symbolic appeals
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to defend aspects of the French welfare state and of course on an anti-immigrant basis very
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importantly, which appeals to a whole section of their base and at the same time suck up to the
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employees' federation and so on and so forth. And those things are not necessarily in contradiction
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yet because there's no election coming up. A presidential election would certainly bring those
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contradictions to the fore in a way that it's easier for them to hide at the moment. The upcoming
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elections are the municipal elections next year which by their nature are very localized and so on
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and so forth and it's possible to bury those contradictions under local campaigns for law and order
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and anti-immigration and that kind of stuff. A national election whether it would be a new dissolution
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of the National Assembly needing to legislate the elections or indeed the presidential election
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will make it more difficult let's say to openly ride to horses at the same time. Of course that
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doesn't mean that they won't be able to do it because a lot depends on the fact that a whole part
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of their social base is really disconnected from politics and doesn't follow. Day to day the
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you know the dealings between Darrell Arran the leader of the Employers Federation and so forth
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they're interested in the big headlines that the RN are putting forward rather than the
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machinations that are going on in the corridors. On La France Insoumise and Jean-Luc Melachon
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who may run for president again in 2027 how has the party navigated the situation since
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its electoral breakthrough in the snap election called by Macron in 2024 and how has it
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fed with the campaign of demonization against it from the French media much of it centered on
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allegations of anti-Semitism in this moment where rather remarkably given the history of course
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Marie Le Pen and the National Rally are positioning themselves as the great defenders of France's
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jury systems. Well I have to say rather well I think they've handled the situation rather well.
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The immediate aftermath of the elections there was a whole debate of course about since the
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new popular front came out. In front there was the debate about who should be the prime ministerial
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candidate should Macron accept the results of the election which obviously he didn't in the end.
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That led to some rather painful days of negotiation with their other partners the Greens
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Communist Party and the Socialist Party but ultimately they said they took a position which I
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thought was quite clever which was to say okay well you know we're not going to be on the side
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of presenting problems if if a left-fans or some of these prime minister is a sticking point
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or indeed ministers are sticking points that's fine. We're not sort of insistent on
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participating in the government but what we are insistent on is that this government
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defends the programme of the new popular front and of course the programme of the new
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popular front was largely apart from some's concession they had to make on international politics
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was largely a programme of La Fans sauce who means so they were saying you know they were
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disassociating the question of of the people involved and the programme in quite an effective way
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putting both the Macronist and their centre-left partners on the spot. Since then tensions have
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continued to accumulate within the new popular front leading to its essential dissonication
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largely because the Socialist Party is itself deeply divided. There is a right wing in the
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Socialist Party that is represented by someone like Fasseux au-Land, the former Prime Minister
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which is deeply hostile to any kind of alliance with La Fans sauce for me and certainly in the
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alliance in which La Fans sauce for me is a dominant partner and would prefer to break from it and
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have an independent centre-left or Socialist Party candidate with their presidential elections
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and that was buoyed up that attitude by the results of the European election where
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Rafael Gluxman the candidate which representing the Socialist Party got a decent result wasn't
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fantastic result but it came out ahead of La Fans sauce for me so that buoyed up the right within
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the Socialist Party and has basically led to it withdrawing from the new popular front. La Fans
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sauce for me is in the face of that has maintained a very firm position of saying no deals with
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Macron's governments, no backing down on the programme that we were elected on, this is the
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programme that everybody was elected on including Socialist Party deputies, anybody who throws out a
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life vest to the Macron governments and tries to do so for some kind of rotten deal is to be condemned
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and I think that has put the Socialist Party in a very difficult position because on the one hand
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they want to prove that they're capable of governing again and being a responsible party and
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and potentially being a party of coalition with the Macron East and on the other hand it's quite
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obvious that there is a form of of what you can only describe as treachery here in relation to
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the programme on which they were elected so that's always quite a good move I thought putting the
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Socialist Party on the spot there have been a lot of attacks as you say over the question
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on anti-Semitism but to be honest those have tended to die down partly because of the dramatic
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nature of what is happening in Gaza which has led to a kind of recalibration amongst the
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centre left and even you know Macron himself taking a hard line on Israel and you know the
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Socialist Party quite amusingly called for the mayor's of all France's Socialist control towns
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you know hoist the Palestinian flag the other day when when Macron recognised
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personally recognised the state of Palestine you know that was a clear opportunistic move to try
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to kind of reposition themselves on a question that Lafayette Sautomie has been very strong on
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there has been another kind of attack which is there was a book that came out published by two
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journalists one from Le Monde and one called by Lidazion called Lemurte the Horde or the pack
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which is a very aggressive book, Kisentel book with interviews of lots of ex Lafayette Sautomie's
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members trying to prove that the organisation is a sect that is controlled in a highly authoritarian
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manner that it's internal mores and so on are extremely brutal and so on and so forth and that's
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the book that got enormous media coverage has solved very well and led to you know sorts of people
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denouncing Lafayette Sautomie's as a fascist organisation for example in some cases
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or being a Stalinist organisation so that led to a lot of controversy for several weeks in fact
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to put Lafayette Sautomie's on the defensive they again they didn't back down on this as they
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didn't back down on the question of anti-Semitism and I think they've more or less written out
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that wave it's probably left scars one will have to see what happens in terms of the polls
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in relation to the centre left but broadly speaking I think their attitude has been quite
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quite effective quite crafty and quite resolute does that sort of very staunch and sort of
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unapologetic approach to these attacks does that reflect something about the leadership of
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Lafayette Sautomie's and Melodshan or is that also to do with the sort of a learning process
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perhaps from witnessing what happened to Corbinism in the UK? Yeah very much so in fact
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Minotron wrote a blog post he has a very active blog where he reacts to current events nationally
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and internationally and he wrote a blog post which I thought was quite good after the 2019
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election way he was very clear about what he thought the weaknesses of Corbin were
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particularly the kind of defensiveness over the anti-Semitism and accusations so he's
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clearly drawn lessons from that in quite an explicit way but yeah I think it also fits with
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a more general attitude which is that when you're faced with an extremely hostile media environment
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and I would argue that the French media environment is even more hostile than the British or
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was the Corbin it's a very tightly knit elite of Parisian journalists who share essentially it's
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extremely incestuous they share all the same political references with slight variations
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and Lafayette Sautomie is really seen by almost all of them as personal offense that's very
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existence and that also applies to the supposed left publications like Libby Assault particularly
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a media part to some extent as well so in that kind of context where you're surrounded by
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enemies the worst thing to do is to show some any weakness and to retreat because that is not
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the prelude to some kind of reconciliation that is simply the prelude to an even more aggressive
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and that's why they are constantly counter-attacking the media in quite a frontal manner
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that I don't think you would see so much in the British context you know Minashoff for example
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is extremely effective on TV when he's faced with a group of aggressive journalists he's
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able to turn the tables on them in in a quite effective way by also questioning their own
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journalistic standards their own style of questioning that answers itself that you know is not
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actually a real question open question it's a it's a leading question or a question that is
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completely that is a trap and so on and so forth he's very good at putting a finger on that
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explicitly in a way that puts journalists on a defensive and that's something I think is perhaps
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was missing under the under the Corbin years just going back to the socialist party for a moment
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if the socialist party were to support the cornew and enable the passing of a budget presumably
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with some minor concessions I mean as well as that being a betrayal of the platform that the popular
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front stood on it would also seem to be potentially suicidal because they would be tying their
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political brand to this extraordinarily unpopular president who was only 18 months left in
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in the Alize wouldn't they be better off continuing to just vote down these proposed
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budgets and seeing how they fare into 2027 and I mean also as an aside I mean it just seems
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remarkable and hilarious to be listening to the council of Francois Hollande given his political
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judgment yeah no absolutely there is there is a certain irrationality in all of this which
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has to be factored in especially when you consider the what they're trying to do on the other
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hand to marginalize the fossil swamies is to part of the party is trying to put together a process
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of a primary process to choose the presidential candidate for 2027 in which they want
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everybody from a fellow Brooksman who's very much on the right of the center left
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true to Francois Rufat who was formerly a member of the fossil swamies and so including
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greens the communist party and so forth so they're trying to do this on the one hand
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built together this primary process to have an alternative left candidate too minorsional
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while at the same time floating with the idea of supporting the mechwannist which are obviously
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getting compatible because Rufat the greens communist party are not going to go along with that
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and that will completely lead to an implosion of that process of creating a primary now there
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were there are people on the right wing of the socialist party you'd be very happy with that
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because they would want to see just the socialist party candidate without any allies or at least
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a Brooksman candidate he has his own micro party but without any you know baggage as it were
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but that's based on a really very heroic assumption that that would be any more successful than
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their last attempt where they got you know the 2% so yeah there is a degree of irrationality to all
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this I suppose the only rationality is that the socialist party has been void up by on the one hand
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getting more MPs elected under the new popular front program and they're somewhat better results
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in the european elections so they I suppose think that the next step to prove that they're back in
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the game as it were they're not completely out of the game they're they've returned to their roots
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as the kind of natural party of government of the left is to is to engage in some kind of alliance
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or coalition or support from that outside of the macaroni government but in the highly polarized
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context of French politics today that's appealing to a kind of phantomatic middle class voter
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center left middle class voter that either doesn't exist or exists in such such a small scale that
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it's not going to be meaningful for for a presidential election so yeah I agree there's a lot of
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strange calculations that don't seem to you know make any sense on the national rally for a moment so
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in March of this year Marie Le Pen was found guilty of embezzling EU funds for which she received
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a four year prison sentence two years of which were suspended in addition to a 100 000 euro fine
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the other two years of that sentence which would be under house arrest I believe
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wouldn't be implemented until all appeals are exhausted but we've now heard that the French court
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of appeal says it will make its ruling in summer of next year what's been the reaction to that
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given that that might pave the way for her to run in the 2027 French presidential election after all
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well that's not so straightforward I mean that the the appeal has been fast-tracked and brought
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forward to February of next year no two problems with that one is that it's just before the municipal
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elections if the sentence is confirmed then that's obviously a big disadvantage for them in image
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terms just before the municipal elections in March and April and secondly if it's confirmed then
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there's still the problem of the the final appeal this is only a sort of first stage of appeal there
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the final appeal the call of a quessession which wouldn't necessarily be in time for her to present
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herself at the presidential elections so it doesn't guarantee your tour her ability to stand as a
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candidate you know it might be before spring 2027 but it might be very close to spring 2027 so how
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do you launch a presidential campaign around her when it's still unclear whether she'll actually be
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eligible to run there's been some talk about Valdella being the presidential candidate and
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him appointing her prime minister just suppose would be the way around it sort of put in style yeah
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exactly but there are tensions between Valdella and Le Pen both of a personal and a political
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nature so that isn't a choice that she would be happy to make and he's very young and much less
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formidable as a campaigner you mean yeah yeah but he's also he's also quite smooth he doesn't have the
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apparently doesn't have the the baggage of the Le Pen name and the controversies
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and racism and racism of the past although actually he's very close to some very radical far right
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people the identitarians for example but you know the image that he gives off is is somebody who's
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kind of they call him you know the perfect son in law and so on he's he's very popular on TikTok
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and amongst whole section of young people for his his videos so he has other types of
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attributes if you like that could appeal to an electorate and he seems to be well appreciated by
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the employers and the capitalist class who see him as less you know some of them are so hysterical
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that they think that uh Le Pen is uh what they call they call her Marxist or you know she's
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the leftist because she's elected in a working class area because of these as say commitments to
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defend parts of the French welfare state so that she's in a hawk is it where to a popular electorate
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and Bardela doesn't seem to have that that kind of profile so he's more pleasing to the employers
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and potentially also to the right because we could be talking about in the eventuality of a
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victory for the the far right it might not be an outright victory so it might be a coalition
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government with the with a traditional right uh Malinda Pen historically with her father gets
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on very badly with the traditional right she dismisses it as the bourgeois right you know she
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doesn't want to be you know it's a born-up position to the traditional right so you know relations have
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historically been been very bad I've changed a little bit at the last elections where Eriks
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Yutti who was the leader of the Republic out jumped ship and joined her with a small gang
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but still you know relations historically have been very poor so he's potentially a better
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candidate to do a coalition with than she would be okay so my last question is on Immanuel Macron
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and how to evaluate his political legacy but before we get to that could you say a bit about the
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fluidity of the political situation in France currently and how difficult it is to offer very
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firm predictions including about whether political dynamism lies more on the left or the right
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as with all these conversations that we've had in the past I think it's important to emphasize
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how unstable and unpredictable things are in French politics in general and particularly at the
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moment there are a lot of moving parts that one can't account for one of them of course is whether
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this wave of struggles from broken two to the big strikes and demonstrations on the 18th will
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continue and will intensify that is entirely possible there have been new strikes and demonstrations
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for the end of the month so there is a dynamic there could develop that would be quite important
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the second element that one can't account for is this juridical element about the pen and the
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courts so forth the third moving part is what is going to happen in the centre left so the centre
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left is to say would like to have their own candidate for the presidential elections against
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France and France and Greece but a lot of pretenders to be that white knight they're fighting amongst each other
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it's not clear to me that they have somebody who is a particularly strong candidate
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I have Phil Gruxman who is considered by some to be their best candidate is you know he's a very
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weak candidate in terms of being able to appeal beyond the traditional centre left electorate it's
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not a he does no charisma for a start but secondly his political programme is so limited
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that is difficult to see how he would appeal to anyone outside of the highly educated
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professional classes you know will that lead to a complete fiasco in the centre left
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will the Greens stick with this process because the Greens existence is also in danger that's one of
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the reasons the new popular front happened was because the Greens you know the originally it was
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supposed to be an alliance of all the left parties without that's not so smooth the Greens or the
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ones you said oh that's not going to be possible guys because that means we'll get wiped out
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so will they stick it out along the lines of what the Socialist Party is proposing or will they
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also throw a spanner in the works that's something that's impossible to predict right now and yeah
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the implosion of the centre is quite impressive the the Maconese parties basically falling to pieces
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in front of one's eyes because they all realise that 2027 is going to be a it's going to be a big mess
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for them they could get wiped out at the elections they have no clear alternative candidate to be
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successive to Macon in any serious manner so that means they are locked into an embrace with the
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right the right itself is locked in an embrace with the far right because the the right is just
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running to try and outpace the far right in terms of more and more outrageous statements about
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a law and order and immigration and so on and so forth so that completely distorts any
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specificity that the the the Maconese had you know this original combination of economic liberalism
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and social liberalism so you know what will happen there will will will the will this centre
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completely disintegrate leaving avoid or will they be able to patch things up so yeah all of
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these factors are in motion right now none of the direction that they're moving in is predictable
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or is clear yet and it's the interaction between them that will lead to the new political situation
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so yeah it's it's it's very difficult to be definitive about anything right now just finally
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on Immanuel Macron's legacy so when he was first elected in the spring of 2017 his victory was
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depicted as this repudiation of political extremes and that he was saving France from the prospects
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of the national front and that he was reinvigorating the neoliberal centre aside from the penchant
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reform his economic agenda has been very much frustrated and then there's his tendency to
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utilize extreme and sometimes deadly force against public protest notably during Black Lives Matter
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and the Gideon protests and that's something that may very much aid national rally if they come
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into government and launch a wave of repression what do you think Maconese legacy is likely to be
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and and how do you think his politics is best characterized at this point because there is this
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debate sometimes about whether he's about to throw back the last neoliberal or whether he's
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should really more be seen as a figure of the authoritarian right yeah I mean I think he's a bit
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of both to be honest is he's a jane is faced bigger and you know it's so proof that neoliberalism
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even with a human face isn't incompatible with with highly authoritarian discourse and policies
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in practice neoliberal the human face on the streets authoritarian liberal between the sheets
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as it were so you know as you say the economic legacy is pretty unimpressive France's economy is
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in trouble the notion that it was going to be rejuvenated by internet entrepreneurs and you
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know startups and so on is clearly nonsense he has not managed to make any of the swinging
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cuts in the welfare state that you know neoliberal steel dream about always you know being very
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effective at you know death by a thousand cuts as it were and on the societal front or social
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front no major reforms were the of writing home about and it's usually on the geopolitical front
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that French presidents at the end of their term when it's been a disappointing one try to make
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up for things and again I think that that is being rather rather unimpressive I mean whether you
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look at the negotiations with Trump over tariffs with the complete capitulation of the EU on that
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level whether you look at the question of NATO and the rearmament program being pushed on the
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Europeans by the Americans in order that they buy more American weapons whether you look at Ukraine
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where clearly Europe is you know doesn't have any real counterweight to whatever Trump's mood is
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of the day regarding Ukraine or indeed broader questions like ecology where you know
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a mackerel posed as a as a defender of green capitalism that is in total disarray it's China
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that's leading this leading the wave towards decarbonization and renewable energy not not Europe
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and indeed especially perhaps over Palestine where mackerel has veered from
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completely uncritical support for Israel if you remember after the 7th of October he
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suggested by of all people Belna Raleigh O'Elivi he proposed a international coalition against
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Hamas quating it with Islamic State and so on an idea that died before it was even born so
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completely uncritical support of Israel to now you know this symbolic grandstanding about
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recognition of the Palestinian state so on there's no consistency there whatsoever no clear line
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neither a return to the kind of supposedly pro-Arab policy of the callist period nor
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nor even to be honest a consistent line of support for Netanyahu because that would involve
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its own contradictions that would be difficult for him to espouse so you know it seems very erratic
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very unprincipled very opportunistic on just about every every level we one should remember that
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macko is one of the most hated world leaders of our moment you know he's even more unpopular than
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Kirsta Amar I think can imagine such a thing yeah it's sort of interesting that because I think it
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doesn't necessarily come across that I think people necessarily get the depth of hostility that is
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in in France towards macko but yeah oh it's very deep yeah I mean there is there there is a hatred
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the hate of violent hatred of macko not in every sector of French society but in very large
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sector of French society macko is absolutely detested with a virance that is perhaps difficult
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to to imagine because of everything he symbolizes his smug nurse his background his his arrogance
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and so forth he he is really become a kind of incarnation of everything including from the far
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right through to the far left that people detest about the insularity the incestuousness the
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outer touchness the the perisianness the bourgeois nature of French politics
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Topics Covered
Politics Theory podcast
Sebastian Budgeon
French political crisis
Emmanuel Macron
austerity budget France
Sebastian Lecunou
French Socialist Party
La France insoumise
Marine Le Pen
far right national rally
block everything movement
French media
budget deficit France
political instability in France
protests in France
radical left in France