Business
Calibrating China Ties - Indonesia
In this episode of 'China and the World,' host Ian Chong delves into Indonesia's complex economic and security relations with China. Featuring insights from experts Johannes Salimon and...
Calibrating China Ties - Indonesia
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From Carnegie China, this is China and the world.
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Engaging leading scholars and former policymakers on China's foreign policy and evolving global
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role brought to you by the East Asia-based Center of the Carnegie Endowment for International
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Peace.
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Welcome to this season of Carnegie China's China and the World Podcast, where we will
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be exploring how states in East Asia manage their multifaceted security and economic concerns
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as they engage with the peoples of public China.
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My name is Ian Chong, I'm a non-resident scholar with Carnegie China and an associate professor
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of political science at the National University of Singapore.
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Today, we're going to take a deep dive looking at how Indonesia handles its multifaceted
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security and economic relations with the peoples of public China.
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With me today, Johannes Salimon, who's associate professor in international relations at
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Universitas General Akmanyanee, Indonesia, and a non-resident fellow with the National Bureau
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of Asia and Research.
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And also, we have Natalie Sambi, who is founded and executive director of research and
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independent think tank focus on military and societies in Southeast Asia.
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She's also senior policy fellow at Asia Society Australia and a non-resident fellow with a
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Brookings institution.
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Natalie also teaches with the Australian War College.
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We'll start by talking about the really big picture because not all listeners are going to be
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familiar with Indonesia's ties with China.
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So how would you describe Indonesia's economic relationship with the PRC?
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Well, basically, the relationship has been getting strong in the past,
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when 10 to 20 years, especially after Indonesia reopened diplomatically since we China back in the 1990s.
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And then since then, Indonesia has been doing a lot of business with China.
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China has been also sending spotting a lot of things and then investment in Indonesia,
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such as the infamous HESP trail from Jakarta to Bandung.
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And basically, the ties getting stronger.
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Although one thing that we have to be very careful here is,
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I don't know whether this is the time to say this, but
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one thing that we have to be also worried is like,
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while the relationship between Indonesia and China has been improving and has been increasing
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in the past couple of years. But I believe Japan is one of the largest investment also,
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invests also a dependent state and other action countries, especially Singapore.
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Yeah, I mean, I was looking at this and I think there is a sense of two-way dependence,
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but that's not an even one. It's definitely tipped in favor of China.
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You know, it is Indonesia's largest trading partner, but I think Indonesia and China offer
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things that the other needs. Indonesia needs a vast amount of investment. It needs the technology
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in minerals processing while China needs a market. So it needs places to invest, it needs to
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generate that kind of economic activity. It needs to redirect its infrastructure and manufacturing
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markets to find consumers. And the Indonesian middle class, even though it's shrinking,
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it still represents an immense market for Chinese goods, which comprise a large number of the
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imports as well. So there is a lot of complementarity there and evidently a lot of potential as well.
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There's so much that Indonesia and China are doing together, particularly not just in the
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critical mineral space, but also in terms of electronics as well with China making inroads
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into Indonesia's telecommunications market as well. So lots of really interesting points of
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intersection between China and Indonesia economically. And I'm sure we're going to unpack how those
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will intersect with the potential entanglements, but there's definitely a sense that these two
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countries as their economies grow, as their relative power in the Indo-Pacific shifts that economic
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relationship is going to form a really important pillar as well. I just want to add one last thing,
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and that's when you look at the joint statement between China and Indonesia that was released at
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the end of last year when President Prabhu and to visit Beijing in the title itself is this idea of
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shared future. And I think when you think about the economic relationship as playing into this narrative
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of a shared future between Indonesia and China, you start to see how important it is.
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One of the things about Indonesia becoming a market for the RC goods, I mean, with the first round
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of the trade war, and possibly with the subsequent round as well, there's been trade diversion.
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So goods that have formally been going to places like the United States have been coming to places
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like Southeast Asia, including Indonesia, that have been complaints about overcapacity.
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What do you two make of this?
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Well, I mean, it is a really issue. China has been flooding Indonesia because of its manufactured goods
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from textile to ceramics and anything under the side of the ship. And that creates a huge club
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here and the price basically dropping, and a lot of factories in Indonesia close down,
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I mean, I mean, I have a colleague that has a lot of clothing stores and basically he said that
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he has to close like, I don't know, like two-thirds of them because he, because they cannot just
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compete against the Chinese exports. I mean, let me make Indonesia, let's say the cost of
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like, let's say manufacturing one piece of clothing is let's say around, I mean, this is just a
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pocketbook, like let's say like $2 Singaporean, like, but China can come and say, yeah, we are going
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to sell you for $1 piece and you know, and the factories say, we cannot compete with them.
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And why is that? Well, of course, I mean, on one hand, China does have economic scale that,
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you know, it has bigger factories, it's mechanized and so can produce faster than
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than in Indonesia. But at the same time, China also has a lot of subsidized for their manufacturing
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business and this is basically killing Indonesian factories. Given that, how does it
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is here to protect itself? Well, for Indonesia, now we already put some sort of
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tariff, like Berrier saying that, look, we are not allowing Chinese, trying to just dump all their
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clothing here, so they are quotas. But the problem is people asking like, why now? Why
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don't you, why didn't you do it last year doing the election? Of course, I mean, the
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agreed thought is that those importers are paying a lot of money, contribute a lot of money to
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the political parties. So, I mean, of course, after the elections, then the government's, hey,
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yeah, yeah, it's a bad, it is really, really, you know, bad ideas. So we kind of shut the
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the importer. But they already got, you already lost several factories, I mean, even the
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biggest factory in Indonesia is getting already close down. The other thing that's really,
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that's pretty big is China's involvement, all this extraction of minerals from Indonesia,
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which is having a big positive economic impact, apart from the sort of overall aggregate effects,
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you know, on for local communities, that seems to be creating a lot of pollution, it seems
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to be creating a little bit of, you know, unease locally. Do you see any of that naturally? This,
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of course, gets into some of the economic security issues. Absolutely. And this is a bit of a
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thorny issue. You know, I'm going to defer for a statistic here for a second that, you know,
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while a lot of Southeast Asian states, including, if not all Southeast Asian states, including
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Indonesia, see China as the most influential economic power. And that's according to the latest
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state of Southeast Asia report by our colleagues at ISAS Institute. But when we drill down, you know,
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yes, it's the most influential economic power. But in Indonesia, 58.9% of respondents were more
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worried about that Chinese economic influence in their country, other than being welcoming of that.
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So you exactly, you point out to that double-edged sword where you've got masses of Chinese
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investment in nickel processing plants, 90% of infrastructure, nickel processing infrastructure
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is owned by Chinese companies. But at the same time, you've got dilaterias and environmental
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practices that are leaching awful chemicals into the water system and poisoning the local
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communities amongst other things. So there is, irresponsibility, obviously, on behalf of the Chinese
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companies, but that lies at the feet of the Indonesian government to make sure that it's
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environmental law protection infrastructories were a bus that it will actually enforce some of that.
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And that gets into a tricky thing of not wanting to alienate your purse, but at the same time,
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wanting to reap benefits of that. So I think there has to be some hard questions asked about to
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what extent is the Indonesian government prepared to enforce some of those environmental protections
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and continue to enjoy the benefits of having that investment, which will certainly help in
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Indonesia elevate itself within global supply chains for electrobatic electric vehicle battery
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production, which will be critical. So again, we've got to ask where that's going to go. I mean,
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we've had explosions in the past at different processing plants. So there are questions there about
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safe practices for workers. We've talked about the economic relationship between Indonesia and the
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PRC, but there are also security concerns, not just the sort of historical concerns that continue to
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exist, you know, suspicion of communism and so on. However, maybe there's a territory of the
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dispute, maybe there isn't a territory of the dispute, but at least north of the Natuunas,
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we've had standoffs before between PRC vessels, government vessels, and also Indonesian
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become a lot that's Indonesian coast guard vessels. What do you make of this, Johannes?
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Well, basically, I mean, there has already been standoff for the past couple of years, even during
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the Udo Ngo era, back in 2010, I believe they already back, they have already been like, actually
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some minor standoff although not as big as what happened in 2006. And I believe that led Jokowi to
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to head his, his cabinet meeting on the warship in Natuunas area. So it is actually nothing really
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new, but the Indonesian government has been trying to kind of don't pay the attention because it
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cannot afford to lose the commiculations and it also are kind of thinking that there's no way it
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can win if we end up in engaging in an open conflict. So this kind of sad, in more opinion,
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that's kind of feeling, but that's the opinion, basically. But that's what I get from the people
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that spoke to, basically just want to don't play it. But yeah, and so yes, there are conflicts and
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they don't like it. They don't like the channel has been too aggressive. But the problem is,
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they have to maintain economic relations. And as as Napa Ali earlier mentioned about the
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the joint statement with Indonesia, that was actually quite from the original actually because
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there, what happened is that China basically forced a sentence saying that look, we are going to
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cooperate in the disputed area, but for Indonesia, for policy, this is a maker, I mean, I like the
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from the comment law, they said that look, we never admit that there is a dispute because we never,
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because we never, we never acknowledge China, China and that's like playing.
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So as a result, because we cannot really fight them, we just simply ignore them and
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Bobo with the joint statement, basically just ignore the precedents.
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Right. So this is something I like to follow up on because there's some confusion here.
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Now in the probo statement in Beijing, he basically said that he would
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shelve the dispute and have joint development. But the Indonesian long standing position is that
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there is no dispute. So what's the current policy? Is there a dispute or isn't there a dispute?
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Because if there isn't a dispute, you can't possibly shelve a dispute.
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Well, I call it the Shoddingerphone Policy. Now I think what happened is like
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Bobo and his cabinet realized that it is a blunder. So they ended up like ignoring it. I mean,
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I haven't heard anything being mentioned or being said about the joint statement. And nobody
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actually ever mentioned it again. That's my feeling. They just ignore it. They make it like a Shoddinger
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Natuna, I guess. Natalie, what are your thoughts? Is there a dispute? Isn't there a dispute?
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Highly appropriate for a president that loves cats. Look, I think we have to point out the fact
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that whether publicly it's acknowledged as an issue, again, I'm going to defer to our
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illustrious colleagues who produce the Southeast Asian report. When it comes to the South China
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Sea, China's encroachment is the top concern for Indonesia. So it is something that's being looked
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out. But as your hunters pointed out, it's not always consistent the extent to which an
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Indonesian president will make a public deal out of this because as your hunters pointed out,
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that tension between wanting to keep good diplomatic ties, but at the same time maintaining
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sovereignty. Like there are two major issues here. You know, the sovereignty issue is paramount
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and food security. But going back to your idea of what's going on? What's the ambiguity? Is there
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a change in policy? The joint statement says something, something new, which is that there's
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acknowledgement overlapping claim. Indonesia's long standing position is that there is no claim.
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It's an orphanage in a sea. It's Indonesia's easet. We don't need to talk about it. So we're not
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even going to acknowledge things like negotiations. Right? So the Indonesian Foreign Minister
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Kim Lew had to come out after with an issue that statement clarifying. So the last official position
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on it is that unclose, the arbitra ruling in 2016, which found China's nine dash lines
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claims to be illegal is what stands. And then Indonesia will continue to negotiate within the framework
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of unclose. So that's where we're at right now. But I do want to point out actually there was a really
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good strategist article by a friend, Aristide Damo one, in which he says this idea of strategic
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ambiguity is if it's not something that Prabowo is doing deliberately, it's something that one
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can observe. That this is ambiguity of statements, you know, in a number of areas,
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particularly in such honesty. And he says, look, you know, to just make things clear,
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Prabowo, and I should quote him, Prabo should rescind the recognition of the overlapping claim with
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China, as well as any commitment to the joint development of the era with Beijing, because this
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ambiguity is causing problems for Indonesia's negotiations with the Vietnam. It also puts pressure
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on other ASEAN states as they're trying to negotiate the code of conducts of Indonesia's
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position on this is not necessarily consistent with the Philippines. So there are second order ramifications
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of this strategic ambiguity that have stemmed from this joint statement, such honesty.
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If I'm add something, and I agree with what Natalie said, and I also agree with the fact that
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this ambiguity actually hurt Indonesia position way more, I mean, it is something that Prabowo
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doesn't really like, because it is basically an other sort of a shoulder, I mean, it is just a
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like, you know, it is just a politically suicide for him to maintain this, but at the same time,
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he is like running in the idea of like, look, I am the, I mean, the president, you know,
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the president that Indonesia deserves, like, I'm like this big guy, this song guy,
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and of course, the last thing that he wants to do is to admit like, look, I'm going to hear him saying,
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like, look, I'm going, I'm screwing up, I mean, if you, because if he's capable of saying that,
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I mean, there are a lot of things that has been doing in the past, he has been doing for the
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past couple of months, and that I think he should just say, look, forget this ice scuba,
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but he didn't, and so unfortunately, I don't think he will, he will apologize and say, or say,
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I take it back, I mean, unfortunately. Right, so since we're on the South China Sea,
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I'm going to push our composition a little bit further in that direction. So, Indonesia,
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acupunylic state maritime nation, if you know, things get
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testy in the South China Sea, you know, clearly it would affect Indonesia's sea lanes of communication,
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that those sea lanes which are used as the trade, it's telecommunications and the name,
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and the shape of undersea cables could become under jeopardy, combatant vessels or supplies for
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combatants may decide to, you know, go through Indonesian waters. How does Indonesia's sea,
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you know, the risk that is present with the South China Sea disputes, and how does it try to manage it?
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Well, by saying in Shia, I guess. Well, that's seriously, I mean, there's something that many
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people Indonesia just prefer not to think about, but as far as I know though, I mean, if we go
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to shooting war in South China Sea, because of anything like Taiwan or something stupid happening
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in Scarborough, sure, while Indonesian first policy is to declare that we are non-combatant. We
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don't, we are not going to be involved in these crises. We are not to be involved in the conflict,
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so we just shab our entire waterway. Well, that's basically the unofficial plan that I've been looking
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for the past couple of years, basically, so we just shab it down. But of course, I think, I can
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predict what's your next question like, what if United States say, look, screw it, and then we just,
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and then just tend to pay those first-feet ahead and just poke it. Well, basically,
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in from Indonesia, yes, there's always the possibility, but the question is whether you can
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fight United States or Australia. And of course, what we end up doing is that, yeah, we know that
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you are going to pass it, but we will pretend you are not going to do it. And so basically,
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it is like if you don't see it, then it won't happen.
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for more information. Well, actually, you predicted my question slightly wrongly. I was, uh,
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but I'll throw it out there anyway. I'll let that legal question then you can go. And it's this. So
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in Indonesia, you know, if it says, okay, things get hot in the South China Sierra on time one,
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it's going to be really terrible. We want to be a non-combatant. But is it trying to do anything
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in terms of conflict prevention? Look, in terms of conflict prevention, I'm going to have to give
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the really bland answer. I mean, I agree with Johannes. I mean, Indonesia's first instinct will be
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to declare itself a non-combatant. But in terms of conflict prevention, you know, the really
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bland answer is that Indonesia will defer to ASEAN and try to work things through in terms of
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management. We know how effective that is and then, you know, my implication is not. But that is
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somehow going to be the diplomatic front page of what Indonesia will do. I mean, that's not to say
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Indonesia's diplomats won't go into overdrive and try and manage this. But there is a lot that
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Indonesia does in terms of posturing itself with its physical assets in terms of conflict prevention.
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That's, yeah, I'll interested to hear what Johannes has to say. Yeah, I agree with what my policy
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said. Although, I think I find it very ironic because for the past independent, but because this
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administration and the previous one in Joko in Pablo basically simply ignores ASEAN.
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A back then, Pablo said that, look, we don't care about ASEAN. I mean, he's for a
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minister. He didn't have time with the four minister meetings of ASEAN. And then suddenly,
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during conflict, he said, oh, yeah, we are going to use ASEAN. I mean, I don't think so,
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and what do you mean? Well, of course, I mean, this is we have a president's kind of saying,
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trying to be kind of in like superhero, whatever. So my god, I mean, I'm not going to say that
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you are wrong, because that's my instinct in normal times. That would be my instinct. That's
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what we thought what we're going to do. But I think Pablo will try to put a thumb basically. He
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will say, yeah, I'm going to go to Beijing and you know, and try to make them agree on something,
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like to refuse the situation or whatever. But that is the day, the question is whether they are
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going to listen to Pablo and I don't think so. That's a fair point. I think Prabowo will
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probably try that if you look at what he said about Ukraine and Russia. But actually, I just
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want to point out just one fact. I was looking up all of Prabowo's international trips since he
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became president even before. But certainly since he became president, has visited all of the major
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countries, even gone, you know, dropped into the UK on the way back from the US after he'd gone to
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China. But other than Malaysia, which is the current Asian chair, it took him at least six months
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to go to another Southeast Asian country. And they're just in the region. So, you know, I agree with
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Johannes in terms of signaling how important those relationships that Indonesia has with its fellow
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Asian neighbors. Not sure. He's definitely signaling that he wants to play with the with the big boys,
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which lets admit most of them are, you know, with the other leaders that occupy bigger international
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for that have a larger profile who speak loudly and carry big sticks. We also know that Indonesia has
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on the book something like 600,000 citizens in Taiwan. After books, that could be even more. So,
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if we do have a really tense situation or perhaps even a conflict situation located around Taiwan,
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Indonesia citizens will get directly affected. What's the thinking on that? As far as I know, if there's
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a conflict, our first instinct is to ask those countries to have a ceasefire so we can pull our
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citizens out. That's what we are going to first do first. And then we just say that we are
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non-comactant and please Taiwan, I mean allow us to go or to send our navy there to pick our
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soldiers and to pick our citizens and basically we don't know to get involved. And of course,
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the problem is I don't think Taiwan will allow it because for them it will be much better for them
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to have some sort of like hostage. I mean, you have like one million in Indonesia there in Taiwan.
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And let's say if China is willing to bomb them all to Kingdom come, so they will be like huge
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nothing less than that. Back class in Indonesia. I think that's what I predict will happen.
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I think the plan is kind of unrealistic anyway from a new perspective. I mean, because Indonesia is
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going to go to Beijing and say, yeah, China, I want humanitarian corridor to go to Taiwan.
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And of course, I mean, for China, we say, yeah, yeah, let's do it in Taiwan. So we can use it
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to invade Taiwan. And of course, Taiwan is not that stupid. So most of the plan that I saw
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seems to be like based on the visual thinking or more I already said earlier like in China.
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Which is kind of like, I don't know, not a good way to make to make a consistency plan. But
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the problem is there's no easy answer, especially if you are if your foreign policy is based on the
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idea that you are always trying to sit aside conflict. I mean, that you don't want to get
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involved in conflict. You want to get us kind of avoided. And you know, and that's a very
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limit to what you can do. Yeah, look ahead to Pylon here. But you know, my colleague,
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Big Tron and I have been doing research about factors shaping Southeast Asia's conflict decision
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making, if they were armed conflict between the US and China. And of course, this came up. This idea,
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well, what does Indonesia do with its summer? As you say, half a million, potentially up to a million
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citizens who are living and working in Taiwan. And the respondents that we had, they just said,
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there is no plan. And if there is logistically, how are you going to do it? When in
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Indonesia and the past has had to evacuate several thousand of its citizens in other potential
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conflict zones or where things have heated up, potentially around Sudan or around Syria,
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they've done that again, several thousand using other neighboring countries that have been
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friendly, who have allowed their airports to be used. How is that going to work with Taiwan?
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How are you going to have the volume of planes to have this evacuation effectively? And
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interestingly enough, as you're honest pointed out, I mean, the first thing Indonesia is going to have
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to do, it's going to have to have good relations with China in that moment. It is going to need
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China's assistance. So it's going to need assistance from Japan, suppose you need to
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have assistance from the Philippines. So I'm not sure how the logistics of this
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are going to work, but the respondents who we spoke to in January, February, just, yeah, it
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looked like it could be a bit of a very sad humanitarian cluster fog. It wouldn't work for you.
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Yeah, but they're going to have to try, right? That's the point.
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Yeah, I mean, I mean, I've already saw several plans that say, like assuming that the Philippines
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willing to be our transit port, like, yeah, yeah, exactly. But the problem is, if you have
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shooting war in South China, I mean, the Philippines will already be on the United States and
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Taiwan side. So it's kind of so, I mean, so basically, and I don't think the Philippines will say,
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yeah, yeah, we agree. Let's bring all those one million people refugees to Philippines and then just
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just let me just clog our, I mean, our sea lines, clog our ships that we can't use to have Taiwan,
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I mean, I don't think so. Actually, you bring up a good point about, I mean, this is a sad point,
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but the fact that they could potentially be hostages, people kept hostage in Taiwan. It could
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be used the other way by China. You know, I want to flip it back to the point where we talked about
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shutting down sea lanes. You know, one of our respondents said, look, if Indonesia wants to just be
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neutral and leave the situation if it leaves, the sea lanes open, that could be interpreted as
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assisting the United States and its allies by letting the maritime and air passage through.
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If they shut down the sea lanes, it's seen as interpreted as assisting China, rather than not
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wanting any combatants. You know, it's Indonesia's damned if you do damned if you don't. But the extent
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to which those citizens in Taiwan can be used as leverage by other ones, I'd say, okay, Indonesia,
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if you do close your sea lanes, you don't, you know, this is potentially the outcome for the hostages,
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that's something I probably hadn't thought of until just now. But I think that's probably
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something that we ought to think much more closely. How much those two issues be linked.
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All right. So we've gone through a lot of the security issues. We started with the economic
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stuff. Now, let's try to draw the two together. From your sense, right? What's the first
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principles in Jakarta about how to manage these Dijkse security issues alongside the need to work
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economically with Beijing? So look, I think the instinct in Indonesia is to manage this behind closed
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doors. It will definitely have to be something that comes with the diplomacy first and foremost.
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But, you know, as Johanna said, we've got a highly, highly centralized government right now,
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a leadership under Prabowo. So I would be looking to say, well, what's Prabowo going to do is
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you're going to take that matter into his own hands. Is he going to issue a firm statement or not
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if he's something to do with sovereignty or bearing in mind that his legacy will also be predicated
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on the extent to which he can get a lot of these promises up off the ground in terms of improving
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the life's Indonesian. So he is obviously in a bit of a bind there. So it hard to say exactly,
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but I think the considerations will be for Prabowo, in particular, someone who has a very strong
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sense of self. Let me put that politely. We'll be thinking about, well, you know, okay, five years
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from now, huh? Am I going to pay for this? Or at the same time, bearing in mind that he has a very
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explosive personality, he may say something that then just ignites a tinderbox and then that can
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cause new issues. So we've got a couple of options there, but I think, you know, without getting out
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crystal ball, those are the considerations I put on the table. That's how Indonesia's going to
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balance this. A, not easy and be with a president who is unpredictable. Well, I forgot who I heard
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this from a while ago, but there was somebody who basically complained that, look, Prabowo governed
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like his campaigning. I mean, he really need to stop campaigning and stop really governing.
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There is a disconnection between what Prabowo can and what he promised. And like you said,
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I mean, how he's going to deal with conflict. And I think he said that, yeah, we are big,
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we're big power. Everybody needs us. We, everybody just have to go through Jakarta to get things
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that. But again, I mean, that's, that's the problem. He talks big, but, you know, the problem is,
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we don't really have the capability to do so. How has Indonesia's efforts to manage its
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security and economic ties with Beijing changed over time? So Prabowo is, of course, the latest in
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that trajectory. But how do you see that trajectory? How are you describing? Well, during you,
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you know, era, and they said, well, before, even before you do, you know, era, we make a
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waltz and, you know, and happy. I think we have, there's not China is not really seen as a
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much as a security threat, as far as the normalization, nobody's really think China as a threat anymore,
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except some part of the military. So, I mean, so, so, so the feeling Indonesia is that,
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look, China is a big, it's a big power. And then it is going to be, it is going to be successful
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in the future. So we really need to be on the, on the good side and beside, we really need to
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have balancing the United States. That's the feeling in Jakarta. And the problem is after China's
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getting aggressive after Hoot Ching Tao and then, and then Xi Jinping getting aggressive in South
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China, see, then you have got to change in calculation. Remember what happened in 2012,
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where the Philippines said that we want to put South China city field in ASEAN during
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communique and then Cambodia just ignored it and it just created and it we came the first time ASEAN
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almost pick up the first time ASEAN didn't have joint communique. And I think that's kind of the
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start of like the feeling like look, China can be a problem. So there is always this kind of feeling
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that that we need China, but at the same time we have to be worried about China. And that's my feeling,
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that's one of the main reasons why the military connection with China is not as strong as between
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Indonesia and Indonesia or Australia. Again, I go back to that description as a double-edged
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sword for Indonesia in its relationship with China. And I think you've got to take into account
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when you look over the last couple of decades, there's a generational shift about how young people
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look at China as well. This is a generation that's dealt with Ali Baba and Tencent and TikTok and
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has had Huawei phones and ZTE. So there's a different understanding of what China means
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as the United States has influenced so-so shifts, you know, particularly amongst Muslim
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majority countries in Southeast Asia. So I think that is the some of the social political context as
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well that Prabhau can lean on. But you know, as Johannes mentioned, China is a permanent feature of
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the Indo-Pacific region. Its power cannot be ignored. Its economic opportunity can't be turned
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away from. But that doesn't mean that countries in the region are 100% okay with this bigger,
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richer, stronger partner. So yes, there is a recognition that that is a risk. But at the same time,
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Prabhau is sort of marching ahead first into this relationship with China, the other elements of
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the joint statement that I think are worth pointing out is that Indonesia also recognized China's
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Global Security Initiative and its Global Civilization Initiative has never done that before.
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So and then we had the first two plus two that was set up, you know, the Indonesia China two plus two.
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Okay, maybe no big announced no deliverables from that. But again, these are all small data points
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when you look at their sort of up to trajectory. Again, with that underlying anxiety, but it's dealing
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with, you know, playing the ball where it lies. China is the ball. It's there. It's not going
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anywhere. Share with us what your senses of what the next things on the horizon are for
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Indonesia's ties with the PRC? Well, I think in the long run, the reason Jakarta is that things may
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stay the same. I mean, China may be kind of provocative, but not that to aggressive, that, you know,
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that they will like some, like some, some, some calm head in Beijing that cannot stop all the,
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mean, all the crazy war talk before it had months. And because for Indonesia, what it really doesn't
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want is to get to get dragged into conflict between China. So the hope is that look, even if there's
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a conflict, it can be, hopefully it will be minimized. And I think we really need to start
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repeating what like we've really been thinking in the past couple of years about like,
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like, security, especially because China also becoming more aggressive. But at the same time, though, I mean,
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I mean, I mean, I'm contradicting myself here. And because
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I'm not saying I'm unable to find, you know, to kind of, you know, to make my mind also because,
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you know, with coming to White House, at the same time, China seems to also try to find allies that
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it can work with to the United States. I mean, I believe a city thing basically taught us and
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leaders that, you know, I mean, why don't, why don't we work together to fight American
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pirates? So, so rather than all of you that fight in them alone, and let's ask, we've been together,
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we just kind of, you know, surprising if you think about China's policy. China's, yeah, I mean,
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China can basically use, can use Trump to mobilize Southeast Asian countries against the United
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States. And that may be something that we may have to think about. If Trump really starts
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focusing back to Southeast Asian, something that maybe I need to jack up the time for a while.
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Yeah, look, yeah, Hannah Springs up a lot of really good points. It just got me thinking, you know,
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I was saying earlier that China is a major player in, in the end of Pacific, but it's not the only player,
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you know, it's a big game, but not the only game. And Indonesia is looking to join the OECD.
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It's looking to show up its relationships in the Middle East with the UK recently signed a
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partnership, you know, Prabowo and when he visited Kierstama, looking to build up those ties with
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Russia, ties with India, and then as we know, when President Macron visits the Southeast Asia for
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the Shagrilla dialogue, he will make a trip to Indonesia and Vietnam. So, you know, I would look at
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Indonesia's relationship with China in this sort of global context of how else this Indonesia
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going to manage its relationship, not just with China bilaterally, but as part of a sweeter relationship,
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said it's going to have to have if it's going to be able to be resilient with the potential, you
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know, effects of the trade war, but also then mitigating its dependency on China. So I think that's
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probably something that's already had an injection of energy under Prabowo thus far. And I don't
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see that changing, but look as far as as Indonesia is concerned China is, you know, going back to what
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I said earlier, it is still a big game. And that mitigation between balancing security and economics
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is going to be challenging from this point there on. So how do these different elements get
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reconciled in Jakarta? I think you are giving Indonesia this is bigger too much credit if you
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think that they are going to consent this. But to answer your question, I think what they tried to
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do is basically just like I said earlier, I mean, they just don't want if there's a conflict to
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go to, to explode, to explode, to explode, to blow to far, so they try to come in because
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there's just no worst scenario being planned in Jakarta. I mean, there's a problem here. I mean,
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and everybody think that, you know, I mean, peace will continue. Indonesia will have a good
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relationship with China. We need China. We need the investment although China is made, although
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we also need the American investment, definitely. So it's come up the same thing. I mean, I haven't
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heard any new thinking in Indonesia and foreign policy. And then I don't know like 24 years.
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Yeah, look, I'm kind of with Johannes on this, you know, your question is how do they reconcile
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of this? They don't, they don't. Even if there was fresh thinking about China within
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Camelow or within ThingTang, so on, to what extent is Prabal going to take? He'd of that. He's
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got his inner circle. He's got his advisors, how he's got his own way of doing things. So even
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if that fresh thinking somehow makes its way up to his desk, I'm not confident that he's going
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to take that on board. Indonesia doesn't have a China strategy. It does have ambitions and it has
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a grand strategy about things that it needs to pursue either as part of Indonesia, Emma, in terms
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of Prabal's goal of 8% economic growth. That's the stuff that is occupying the executive's mind.
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There's certainly that branch of the Indonesian state. And the rest of the Indonesian state is
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busy trying to make sure that all of those other goals, those material goals that raise
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us down in Indonesia's living are tended to. There isn't a lot of bandwidth left for the big picture
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strategic thinking. It's not to say that it doesn't happen in the country, but there are so many
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other challenges that need to be met that, you know, Johannes is right. Like we're just going to
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do business as usual until we don't have to because we need to get those things done.
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On that very sober note, I'd like to thank both of you for being on this podcast. Thank you so
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much, Johannes. Thank you Natalie. Thanks so much and thanks Johannes. Thank you. I mean, let's be there.
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Thank you for listening to the China and the world podcast, a production of Carnegie China,
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the East Asia-based Center of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
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Views expressed are those of the host and guest panelists, and not necessarily those of Carnegie
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China or the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Subscribe to the China and the world podcast
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Learn more about Carnegie China at CarnegieChina.org. Tim Martin is our audio engineer and producer
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with help from Hewan Park and Juan Nhi Du.
Topics Covered
China and Indonesia relations
Indonesia economic ties with China
East Asia security concerns
China's investment in Indonesia
Indonesian trade with China
Southeast Asia economic policies
China's influence in Southeast Asia
Indonesia's manufacturing challenges
China-Indonesia trade dynamics
Belt and Road Initiative in Indonesia
Indonesian mineral processing
Indonesian government policies
South China Sea disputes
Environmental impact of Chinese investments
Indonesian political land...