Culture
Sneak Peek into The Heritage Foundation's China in Africa Database featuring Joshua Meservey
In this episode of China Uncovered, Olivia Enos speaks with Joshua Meservey about the Heritage Foundation's China in Africa Database. They explore the significance of China's engagements in ...
Sneak Peek into The Heritage Foundation's China in Africa Database featuring Joshua Meservey
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Interactive Transcript
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Hello, I'm Olivia Enos, senior policy analyst in the Asian Study Center at the Heritage Foundation,
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and I'm pleased to bring you our seventh and final episode of season two for China Uncovered.
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As you all know, what China Uncovered is part of our broader China Transparency Projects,
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and this project and the series of podcasts are really pushing for greater data heavy
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transparency for the Chinese Communist Party, and we're doing so by highlighting the work
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of our friends, including today, our own Heritage Foundation, Josh Miservi.
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So for this episode, we're going to be giving our listeners a sneak peek into the Heritage
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Foundation's China in Africa database.
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In the 2021 China Transparency Report, we found that China has not only ramped up its
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overseas activities, but these activities have often had direct impacts on other types
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of engagements.
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I think this is especially true in Africa where China has often used economic inducements
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to impact the way that countries in Africa are voting, for example, at the United Nations.
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So I think for this and for just a lot of other reasons, it's super important for us to
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have a comprehensive understanding of China's engagements in Africa.
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And so I'm delighted that today I'm bringing in our guest, and as I mentioned, my colleague,
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Joshua Miservi.
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Joshua and I actually go way back.
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I'm lucky to call him a colleague and to have had the opportunity to work with him on
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another area of his expertise, which is on the US Refugee Program.
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He's a wealth of knowledge on that subject as well.
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But he also commends himself, because he recommended one of my most favorite books that I've ever
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read, called When Bread Becomes Air by Paul Colonyty.
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So I highly recommend this book to everyone, but just some fun background and anecdotes.
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So to say that, I'm excited to have him on.
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The podcast is definitely an understatement.
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But now onto the actual task at hand, I'm going to give Joshua more formal introduction.
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Joshua is the senior policy analyst for Africa in the Middle East here at Heritage.
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He studies African-Jewel politics, counterterrorism, and as I mentioned, refugee policy.
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Josh is a returned Peace Corps volunteer who served in Zambia and extended his service there
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to work for the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
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He has also worked for Church World Service in Kenya, US Army Special Operations Command,
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and the Atlantic Council prior to joining us here at Heritage.
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He holds a Master's of Arts in Law and Diplomacy from the Fletcher School at Tufts University,
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and an undergraduate degree in History from Templeton Honors College at Eastern University.
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Josh, along with our colleague Justin Rie, managed the China and Africa database that we're
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going to be talking about today. So Josh, thank you so much for joining us.
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Thanks so much for having me Olivia. It's great to be with you here on the podcast.
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Thank you for that very kind introduction. I'm thrilled that you love that book so much.
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I thought it was tremendous. I'll echo your recommendation of it. I think everybody should read it.
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It really is, is that good? Yeah, we can't be all China all day. So that book is a good break,
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hopefully, and everybody's planned Christmas reading maybe.
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Well, perhaps we should warn them. It is fairly emotionally intense, so maybe... A little heartbreaking.
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It's a bit heartbreaking. So maybe after the holidays, I'm not sure exactly when it would be appropriate,
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but do do read it at some point, but be warned that you may shed a few tears.
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That's a good PSA. All right, so no, just to kind of kick things off, can you share a little bit
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about your work at Heritage and also just a little bit about why Heritage is concerned with
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China's activities in Africa? Sure. Happy to. So in your introductory remarks there,
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you hit on some of the major topics that I track on the continent. You mentioned the geopolitics.
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I do a lot of sort of broader political issues, especially including the activities of outside
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actors in Africa, China, of course, being the big one, but there are many other foreign countries
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that are very, very active on the continent, including American competitors like Russia, Iran,
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Turkey, who is sort of a front of me maybe, and then we have a lot of allies who are very active
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there as well, the UAE, the Saudis, France, Japan, I could go on, so I track some of that.
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I do look at the terrorism issues, which unfortunately show no sign of going away anytime soon. In fact,
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they're escalating on the continent, so I look at those issues pretty closely.
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Then yes, I track refugee matters just because of my personal experience in that field when I
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lived and worked in Kenya, and then crisis to your, often takes up some of my days as well.
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So why Heritage is so concerned with Chinese government activity in Africa?
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I think it's because Africa matters, and that's maybe tried to say, but it's maybe a better way to say
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it is that it matters more than most people realize. Let me say that. It matters to the United States more
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than most people realize. Africa is well known as a source of natural resources, right? It has about
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30% of the world's mineral reserves, has the world's largest reserves of seven key minerals,
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and significant deposits of many others. But there's a couple of critical minerals,
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like cobalt, for instance, that Africa is by far the largest producer of, and cobalt is of course
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critical to lithium ion batteries, which are critical to electric vehicles and autonomous vehicles,
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and other things like that. So a sort of a mineral that is already critical and is only going to
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become more important. So you have the natural resources side. Just the simple fact that
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Africa is, has a huge population that's growing very, very rapidly. The number I always like to give
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is that in about 13 or 14 years from now, Africa's working age population is going to be larger
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than China's or India's. It'll be over a billion people. By 2100, a third of the world's population
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will be African. So you have to just, you have to deal with any region that has that much
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of a population, especially a young population. You're going to have to think through how does the
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US engage productively there? There's a lot of other things I could say, but maybe for the purposes
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of this podcast, I'll talk my last point here on why Africa matters to the US is on the international
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diplomatic stage. And hopefully we can get into this a little bit more throughout the podcast.
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But Africa is the largest voting block in international forums. And frequently they vote together,
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not all the time, but often that matters in the context of China because these African countries
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are perhaps the staunchest allies that China has on the international stage. So on issues of
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Xinjiang, for instance, many African countries will sign on to letters that are supportive of
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China's policies in Xinjiang and the genocide there that is unfolding against the Uyghurs.
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Yeah, it's really discouraging, frankly. The same thing on Hong Kong, they will many
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African countries will sign on to these letters that are supportive of China's position on Hong Kong,
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on the South China Sea. They vote for one of the most recent and best examples is they they
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provided about 30 of 79 yes votes on this Russia and China backed UN cybercrime resolution.
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That was opposed by US and by the US in many European countries. So when the US wants to accomplish
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something on the international stage that contravenes what China is trying to do, Africa is a problem
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for us just to put it very bluntly. And that's something that the US has to be much better about
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thinking through and working on. Yeah, I think that was incredibly helpful context because you're
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right, Josh, I feel like Africa does frequently get overlooked as an important strategic player
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on the international stage and you really just outlined very clearly several reasons why
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the US government should care and why policymakers should care about what's going on there. But man,
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that is so concerning over Xinjiang and Hong Kong and Tibet and other things I didn't realize
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that that was happening. But okay, so for today's episode obviously we're going to be focused on the
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China-in-Africa database. Can you just share with us a broad overview of this project,
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you know, what is it track and maybe talk a little bit about the methodologies that you use to
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collect this data? Sure. So it's very ambitious. Essentially we are, if I had to boil it down
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into one sentence, I would say that we are tracking every meaningful Chinese engagement with every
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African country from 1949 until a present. So it's a vast database that we're compiling. We've
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sort of four broad categories and then I counted all of this before I came on here. We have 37 subcategories
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and then 19 subcategories. So the subcategories range in everywhere from
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senior Chinese officials visiting Africa or senior African officials visiting China to
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Chinese medical teams deployed to Africa to cultural troop visits to port calls by
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PLA Navy vessels. So we're genuinely trying to get as comprehensive a picture as we possibly can
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of as I say meaningful Chinese engagement on the continent. That involves a lot of judgment calls,
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of course, what is meaningful, haven't all that, but but we think once we've got it together, it'll
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be an extraordinary and unprecedented resource methodology. We look at everything, anything and
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everything is generally how I describe it. So we have certain sort of core sources, I would say,
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that we start with depending on what we're researching. We have some very powerful search engines,
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like Lexus Nexus, for instance, that we use as a standard part of every time we're diving into one
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of these categories or subcategories. We will do a Lexus Nexus search, for instance, on key words.
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That's really important because a lot of times some of these things that we're tracking would never
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make international news just because they're who cares about an administrative building that is
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built in Botswana for a local township. It's not going to make international news, but we want to
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know about it because if the Chinese if the contractor was Chinese or if it was funded by the Chinese
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government in some way, so Lexus Nexus will give us those local papers that might cover these issues.
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So we tried to be very methodical. We have, as I say, this long list of sources that we will
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consult as a standard part of our research into any of these categories. Then we have certain
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sources that are specific to what we're researching. Trade publications are really, really useful,
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actually. So when I'm looking at hydro power projects or Chinese investment in mining in Africa,
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there's literally a mining.com or that I receive a newsletter from. I get all these strange news
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letters now. So trade publications, I just say very helpful. Then Chinese government websites
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can be quite useful, particularly the embassy websites in each country. Oftentimes, they'll list a
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lot of not a comprehensive list of the engagements by any means, but some of the highlights that are
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good starting point. That's really great. It sounds like this is definitely a labor of love because
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it's so detailed oriented and really helpful. So actually for our previous episode, episode six of
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this season, we spoke with some folks at the German Marshall Fund who run the authoritarian
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influence tracker. And it's pretty detailed oriented. But why do you think it's important that
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we track all these very specific categories of engagement in a single database, especially when
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there are some of these other existing databases out there that do track some types of Chinese
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engagement in Africa? Yeah, you're absolutely right. There's some really good databases out there that
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that we have used to complement what we're doing. So William and Mary has a very good project,
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the aid data project that I like a lot. And you mentioned the authoritarian influence tracker.
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And there's some others. And they all take sort of bites at this. But as I've been
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diving more and more into China and Africa, I had this growing on ease about
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conclusions I was drawing because I thought to myself, I think these conclusions are correct.
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But there's so much data that I don't have access to that could potentially inform this
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conclusion that I'm trying to make. And I looked around the landscape of China and Africa studies,
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and I said, everybody has this exact same problem. Now, if you're very specifically focused on
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something like loans, for instance, there is good data. Their organizations have gathered good
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data on Chinese loans in Africa. So you could feel pretty confident with your source data and
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conclusions then that you could draw from that. But it would be limited to questions around loans.
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Because there's so many types of engagement that if you really want a comprehensive picture
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of what China is up to on the continent, then you have to think about, okay, diplomatic visits.
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You have to think about, yes, the big ticket items, loans and infrastructure and everything else.
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But again, medical teams, right, or cultural tube visits or peace arc visits, which is like
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their floating hospital, because those all matter and they're all part of the relationship.
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And so I thought, okay, I don't have this resource. I can't find it anywhere, it doesn't exist.
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So let's create that resource. So I can have more confidence in some of the conclusions I'm
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drawing about China and Africa. And I can have a better sense of what truly is going on
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with Chinese engagement and all the continents.
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Yeah, that's really great. It sounds like you saw a problem and we're like,
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oh, let's step in and fill in that void. I think that's how a lot of really great research is done.
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You know, obviously this is still a work in progress, but so far, which countries
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are receiving the most engagements from China? And why do you think these countries are
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receiving more attention? Like, is it because they're more willing to accept Chinese aid and investment?
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Or is it because these countries are more attractive markets for China? Is some
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some completely different reason for why we see those trends?
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It's a really diverse landscape when you look across all these different forms of engagement and
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which countries receive Chinese attention. So for, you know, I mentioned loans, right?
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Lones are very heavily clustered among a pretty small handful of African countries that get the
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great majority of Chinese loans. So Angola leads the pack by a long ways. Angola has a lot of
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oil. So that was, you know, I think it's sort of a pragmatic decision by the Chinese government
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that we want to really close relationship with this important oil producing country.
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Although interestingly Nigeria, which is actually the largest oil producer on the continent,
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doesn't get as many loans. But then you have Ethiopia, another major recipient rather of Chinese loans
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that doesn't have much in the way of natural resources, but they're still an important country
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strategically for other reasons. Zambia gets a lot of loans. They're a big copper producer.
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So there's, you know, you can extrapolate a few trends there as to why China might focus or cluster.
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It's loan engagement with certain countries. But then you see, for instance, I've mentioned
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medical teams a couple times. Those do not track with loan engagements, right? Those are
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much more diffuse. There's many African countries have received Chinese medical teams.
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Unsurprisingly, countries that have a longer relationship, a longer close relationship with China
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have received the most teams, right? So Tanzania starting in 1964, started getting medical teams.
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And they've had 53. And that comprised around 2000 personnel. Algeria, they started getting
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19, the 1963. They had 23 teams, total so far, and that's about 3000 personnel. So obviously,
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the longevity of relationship affects some of this. But it's, this is something that we're really
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interested in diving into and in more detail once we get all this data together because I think
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there's going to be so many interesting relationships and causalities and correlations that we can
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tease out of that and try to figure out, okay, what is meaningful here, right? Like what
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fact there is actually do influence Chinese engagements on the continent?
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Yeah, that's really helpful. I know that your data also looks into Chinese diplomatic visits
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to Africa and as well as African diplomatic visits to China. Why is it important for us to track these?
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This is one of the most interesting to me engagements that we've been tracking. And we're still
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building this data sets. Some of these individual data sets could on their own be, you know, an
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entire project because they're so massive. And this is one of them. We have over, we've
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charted over 1100 visits so far. Wow, really? Yeah, and we are not, and that's just for Chinese
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visits to Africa. And it doesn't have a lot of the historical visits yet. That's, it's mostly from
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like the mid 90s onwards, which is fascinating, right? That there have been so many, and these are
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high level, we're not talking, you know, middle level, these are high level visits.
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And I think it boils down to the fact that relationships matter. They matter to all countries,
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right? But maybe particularly to China and to a lot of African countries where just being present
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showing up is a big big deal. And you know, I bimone, you know, a lot of what China does on the
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continent as much as anybody, but I also give them credit, right? Because they have invested
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immensely in their diplomatic relationships on the continent. I think that's negative for US
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interests, but they're, they're being smart. And I'll just give one example. For about the last
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30 years, the very first overseas visit that the Chinese foreign minister makes every single year
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is to an African country. President Xi Jinping, in his two terms, the first overseas visit that he
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included African countries. So China really believes that these relationships are important clearly.
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And there are some African heads of state who visited China 7, 8, 9, 10 times during their 10 years.
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So this is very frequent, very high level engagements. And we need to know about them if we really
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want to understand, again, this China-Africa relationship. We need to see the history of these
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engagements because it's hard to quantify exactly how those two relationships affect, you know,
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the, the, those personal relationships affect the broader relationship, of course, that's
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impossible probably to quantify. But it is meaningful. And if once we get all this data and we can
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look back at 50, 60, 70 years of diplomatic exchanges, we can start to have a better idea of
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where this relationship is headed, what it is now, and what that means for the United States.
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Yeah, I mean, it sounds like the US is kind of behind the April since China is placing such a
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high premium on its diplomatic relationships with Africa. I am somewhat curious, like, is there a
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way for the US to even catch up with the level of engagement? And is that even something that US
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policymakers are are thinking about? Yeah, I don't think it's, well, no, I think, is the short answer
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right to the question. Just as an example, you know, President Trump didn't visit the
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continent once. President Biden has yet to visit the continent. It's still early stages, but,
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you know, he hasn't visited. There have been very few senior visits from the current administration
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to the continent. And that's in, now there, there are sort of second tier visits that are pretty
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frequent, you know, special envoy's go over there a lot, assistant secretary level, people like
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that are over there fairly frequently. But those really high level premium visits, so to speak,
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we just are so, so far behind the Chinese on this that I'm not sure we would ever be able to
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match that level of diplomatic engagement. But it is something we have to be aware of that we are
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massively behind in this respect. Now, I do want to be cautious about my remarks because we're not
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behind everywhere in all elements of of this. And this is sort of a trope that popped up,
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particularly during the last administration where, oh, you know, the US is in retreat and we don't
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care about Africa and etc., etc. I don't want to get on my soapbox here, but I talk about this
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all the time because it frustrates me. It's like, no, the US has been very consistently engaged with
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the continent for decades. And we have very impactful programs that like the President's emergency
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plan for age relief, PAPFAR came about during George Abbey Bush's administration. That literally
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saved millions of African lives. The momentum challenge, corporation, feed the future, the power,
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Africa. So these things have always continued, you know, we've had embassies all across continent,
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etc., etc. So I don't want to overstate the, you know, the situation the US on the continent.
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But it is true on this relationships issue, we are way behind and we just, we don't get,
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it seems like we either don't get the importance of those sorts of visits and building those
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sorts of relationships or we don't prioritize Africa enough to make those sorts of trips and visits.
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You know, as you mentioned, I was, you know, in your opening remarks, I was a Peace Corps volunteer,
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and even in that very limited, you know, scope of work that I was doing, you just see how important it is
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for, in my case, Xambians where we're out serving for Americans just to be present. And I think that,
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I think that is true of even at really senior diplomatic levels. So this is, you know, an issue
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that the US just has to be better about. Yeah, that's an important color in context, I think,
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yeah, to add to our conversation. So thanks for dwelling on, on US engagement in the region as well.
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So we've been talking, you know, throughout the, our entire conversation about some of the ways
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that China is influencing African voting at the UN, for example. Are there any other areas where
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you see this type of sort of relational coercion or impacts from Chinese investment on African
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nations and their behavior? Yeah, I think there's no doubt that China, you know, on certain
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what they consider core issues, right, which is a list that keeps expanding.
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All right. They will absolutely bully and course African countries, you know, despite all the
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high flying rhetoric about win-win cooperation and non interference, etc., they will not hesitate
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to break out the club. A couple examples I always give is, you know, in Amidya had some years ago,
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had invited the Dalai Lama to visit the country, the Nimbibian President Head and the Chinese
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embassy went nuclear in an interview after the facts, the Nimbibian President was very open about
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the threats that he received personally from the Chinese embassy, how they were going to isolate
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Nimbia in the region, they were going to basically rally all the regional countries to cut it off
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and annex all these things. So much so much so that the Nimbibian President's time during this
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interview said that he told the Chinese ambassador that we're not a colony of China. So, you know,
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on these issues they will break out coercion. They haven't had to do it much in Africa because
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African countries are generally really pliant as far as, you know, what China wants. I've already
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mentioned how supported they are of China on a lot of these international diplomatic issues. Another
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example would be after the Tiananmen Square massacre, African countries were the ones to first rally
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to China and to help it weather some of the international diplomatic isolation that it was suffering.
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Blaze Kampurare, who was then president of Burkina Faso, was the first foreign head state to visit China
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after the Tiananmen Square massacre. So, this relationship is deep and old and so a lot of African
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governments are very inclined to do what China wants on some of these hot button issues. So, as I say,
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China doesn't very normally have to reach the cloud and use coercion. It's absolutely happy to do so.
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I think the coercion that it uses against other countries in the world, if any of the, you know,
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we've seen it in Eastern Europe, for instance, or even Western Europe at times. Japan has also
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suffered this. I think African countries notice what happens to those, to those other countries when
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they run a foul of the tender sensibilities of the Chinese Communist Party. And I think they,
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they take a lesson from it. Wow, the African country support after Tiananmen is just very, very
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shocking, but also a helpful reminder that China's influence in Africa is nothing new. We just
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weren't always necessarily watching it very closely. Can you highlight some of the unique challenges
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that are at play when collecting data on China or the Chinese government's activities? Do you think
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there are any challenges that are different from other forms of data collection?
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Yeah, one of the big ones is how opaque some of these transactions are specifically around
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loans and contracts for construction, you know, infrastructure construction, for instance. It's
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really, really hard to get your hands on these loans, including for African citizens who's
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taxpayer dollars or paying for these things. That's by design. That's how Chinese companies and
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the Chinese government like to operate. They're in authoritarian systems, so they think
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citizens exist to serve the government, not the other way around. And so why should citizens of
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any country be given insight into how the government is operating? I think that's sort of the general
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philosophical milieu that drives some of this. And unfortunately, there's a lot of authoritarian
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governments in Africa as well that have a somewhat similar perspective. The opacity also helps
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disguise corruption, which again, we all know a lot of African countries really struggle with this.
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Some do quite well. There's some that do fairly well, but others many really struggle with corruption.
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You know, if you're undertaking these billion dollar projects behind a veil, that facilitates you
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skimming off the top. So that's certainly a challenge. Another challenge I'd say is that
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African media is there's some really great newspapers and media houses on the continent,
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but if you compare it to the United States, for instance, there's far fewer. There's not nearly
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the density of African media on the continent. So a lot of these issues that we're trying to track
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just never pop up in local media, and they certainly don't pop up in the international press either.
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So that's really a challenge. That's why I'm looking at this bookshelf right now, full of
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books written in like, you know, the 50s and 60s by various scholars looking at the China Africa
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relationship. So whenever I find a book like that, I mean, we buy it and mine it for anything because
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sometimes books that were written 45 years ago might mention some element of China African
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engagement that wouldn't be commented upon today. So that's challenge. You know, we look at Chinese
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websites quite a lot, and they can be really clunky and hard to navigate. Some of them, not all of them,
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but some are. You know, you'll save a link and then a day later, you'll click on it and it's
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already dead sort of thing. So that's one of the challenges as well. I think the biggest challenge is
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just the sheer volume of data we're collecting. I mean, it feels almost infinite sometimes.
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And so you do have to be really disciplined and just chip away at it in a systematic way.
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Otherwise, it can be really overwhelming. Yeah, well, you know, the trend that you were mentioning
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about, like links being there one day and gone the next, we have heard that from so many people.
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I mean, interviewing people who are covering a whole range of issues, you know, over the past two
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seasons of this podcast and it is so common. And, you know, I can't help, but it's definitely not
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unintentional. Yeah, sort of concluded that as well. You know, I don't want to be too cynical,
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but it, it happens so frequently. I was like, man, this, maybe this is a feature or not a bug.
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Yeah, exactly. So I am curious as to whether or not you've received any reaction or responses
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from the Chinese government to heritage's research and findings. I know the report is not out yet,
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but perhaps on some of your other research areas. Yeah. So one of the projects I did that
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sort of launched this project was an examination of all the sensitive government buildings that
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Chinese companies have built in Africa. I just meant that to be a one-off report. I thought it
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was a really interesting and totally under explored or unexplored area. And then it sort of started
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being thinking more grandly about what we could achieve once I put together that data set.
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So I did get that data set and I found 186 confirmed sensitive government buildings that
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Chinese companies have built or the Chinese and or their Chinese government has funded.
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There's many more, even since that report came out I found others. I bet the real numbers in
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the 300s I wouldn't be surprised, but just because of these challenges we were just talking about,
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you know, it's really hard to tease out this data. But these were everything from,
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I mean, there are presidential residences and ministries of foreign affairs and parliament buildings.
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I mean, these are really sensitive government installations that Chinese
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companies are building. And Chinese companies built the African Union headquarters, which famously
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turned out to be riddled with microphones and the walls and the Huawei provided ICT system
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was uploading all of its data to Shanghai every morning. So my thesis was that probably at least
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some of these other government buildings that I found were also being similarly compromised
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by a Chinese surveillance. I released that report then during the weekly press conference
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that the Chinese spokesman for the Ministry of Affairs holds. He was given, he was asked a question
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by a Chinese journalist. I put that in air quotes because these are all government
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functionaries essentially or rather they're, it's all very stage managed, right? Like no one's asking any
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unexpected or hard-hitting questions. So this was obviously a pre-planned question and
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and the question was about the report and you know, so predictably, you know, the spokesman attacked
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the reports and said some unflattering things about heritage and about me and how I'd be clowned
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of myself essentially. But I really took that as a great encouragement. Yeah, that's a badge of
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honor. Well, because and it sort of signaled to me that wow, they really don't want this sort of
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information out there and why is that? And that means I should really keep going here because you
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know, there's reports written about China, negative reports written about China out of the US every
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week basically. And you know, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs doesn't bother to attack most of
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them. I'm sure they've attacked others, but but usually they just ignore them. So the fact that
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they actually, you know, were pieved enough about this to challenge it. Again, I took as sort of
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signal that this was, I should pursue this in other areas. Yeah, that's excellent. And I feel like
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that's actually great segue into our next question because once this database is out, it seems
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like there will be real opportunities for additional research coming out of the data that you
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collect, not only for you to do, but perhaps for some of our listeners who, you know, many of whom are
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a part of the policymaking community, the thing to community academia. What aspects of China's
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engagement in Africa are under researched or perhaps merit some additional attention?
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This would be a very long list. I would, yeah, I would, I would, I just mentioned, right, like
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surveillance and the potential of Chinese surveillance. I think it's an almost, almost sure thing. It's
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very hard to get proof of these sorts of things because by design, they're disguised and I can't go
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to a Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Africa and start sweeping its walls for microphones, right?
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So it's hard to get the real smoking gun evidence, but I do think that their surveillance piece is
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really, really interested and very few people are looking at it or writing about it. The other
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one I would say is related, but data mining on the continent, I think is a fascinating
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area of inquiry that should be getting a lot more attention. I think it's very likely, and I've
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written an essay about this. It's very likely that the Chinese government is, is, you know, benefiting
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from data that Chinese companies are collecting on a continent. We know that some of the
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very same companies that are involved in creating the extraordinary surveillance system that
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exists in Xinjiang today are also active in Africa. And they, including some that work on
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artificial intelligence and facial recognition, things of that nature. So I think it's very possible
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that the information that they're gathering on the continent is refining their artificial
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intelligence capabilities because the way that you improve AI is by basically pouring as much
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data as you possibly can into it, but also diversity of data is important so it can learn,
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right? And I get it can learn from these differences that it sees. And Africa is a great source of
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very different facial data, genomic data, than what the Chinese government can collect in China itself.
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So I think it's very possible that a lot of this data that's being, is almost certainly being
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collected, is being used as I say to refine Chinese companies and the Chinese government's
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artificial intelligence capabilities, which then are being used in places like Xinjiang.
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You know, you could extrapolate this out even further and say that
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because of the diversity of genomic data, for instance, that China can gather in Africa,
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it can help their AI distinguish non-Han faces better, right? Because so much of the data that
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China can gather in China is Han, is ethically Han. They do have some minorities like the
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Uighurs, for instance, but not that many. So, you know, part, this data might be that they're
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gathering in Africa might be really useful for detecting minorities in China, for instance,
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if, if indeed, they can use the data to refine their AI. And there's many other obviously applications
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of artificial intelligence in the military sphere, in the economic sphere, et cetera, et cetera.
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So I think that is really under explored area. And I hope that other people, there were a few
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few people looking at a little bit, but I hope more dive in there.
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Yeah, I mean, that last point that you were making about how they're using private data, data of
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private citizens in Africa to refine the use of their technologies, especially on people with
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darker skin tones, is horrifying. I remember reading a report about that for my own work on Shenzhen
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and China's, you know, blatant persecution of the Uighurs that this was a part of their work.
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And it's just they're not only, you know, exporting the way that they're using that surveillance
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technology abroad, but they're then violating citizens of other countries' rights in doing so.
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It's just really horrifying. So yeah, I'm glad that you raised that point.
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Yeah, and I should clarify by saying, I don't have proof that this is exactly what's happening,
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right? But when you sort of look at all of the evidence and you consider the nature of the
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Chinese regime and how they operate, how we know they operate in other spheres, then it starts to
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become a really compelling case, I think that this is indeed what's happening. Yeah, yeah, absolutely.
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Well, Josh, I have one final question for you. I'd love to hear from you what actions you would
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like to see in response to the findings of your reports. Obviously, this one is not yet out,
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but once it is out, how can policymakers really maximize the use of this data?
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Yeah, I think there's a ton of ways here. Fundamentally, and I think this has been a theme of my
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comments. Fundamentally, I think it'll help just by helping us better understand the actual
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contours and nature of this relationship between Beijing and these various African countries.
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That alone is a win from a policymaking perspective, because if you're trying to address a problem,
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which the US is trying to do in the context of Chinese influence in Africa, you need to understand
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the nature of the problem as thoroughly as you can. So again, because we lack that sort of holistic
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picture of Chinese engaging on the constant, that means our prognosis and our prescriptions for
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solving a problem are going to be very vulnerable to mistakes. So as we can get a better picture and
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a better grasp when I'm standing, what's actually happening in this relationship, that should just
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by having that data, as long as people look at it, it should have a lot of effects in American
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policymaking, because we better understand the nature of the problem. That means we can make better
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policies for addressing it. So that's sort of the baseline for me. Something I've argued for
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a number of years now is that the US needs to better focus its engagement in Africa with countries
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where we can actually make headway for our interests. When you look around the content, there are just
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certain countries where it's just not very useful or productive for the United States to engage with
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them because for whole variety of reasons, we're spread too thin on the ground. The reality is that
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the US is unlikely to ever commit a lot of resources to Africa relative to other regions were involved
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in. I think that's true, at least for the foreseeable future. So we have to be really discerning about
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which countries have a sufficient capacity for good governance, say, so that we can productively
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work with them. This project comes into that in that it can help us discern which countries are
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less beholden to China or have a shallower relationship with Beijing that maybe we can
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make a little bit of progress for our own interests. And then this will be opened up to other
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researchers. There's a whole bunch of interesting analyses that can be done once the data is all
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together. What does an African for instance, something I was thought about as an analysis I want
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to do is when an African country gets on to the UN Human Rights Committee, does it receive more
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Chinese engagement of various kinds or is there some sort of ramp up once it's
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announced that this particular African country will be getting onto the Human Rights Council.
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What is the relationship between achieving BRI status for instance and benefits? So does signing
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on to BRI for an African country actually results in increased trade or FDI or diplomat visits
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or construction activity or cooperation agreements or whatever. So really we're just
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fundamentally which types of Chinese engagement are the most meaningful and which
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African actions will elicit Chinese engagement because there's a lot of noise out there, there are a lot
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of things that go on that are important but maybe not critical to determining how China will
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will act or how African countries will act. So I think having that data sets, opening it up to
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researchers, the heritage team will be doing a lot of its own analyses, hopefully that we can tease
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out some of those really really important elements and that will just give us a better understanding
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like I say of the relationship, how the US should respond and how we can predict where some of these
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relationships might be going. Well thank you so much Josh. I think you've really given us just a
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broader understanding of how Africa fits into our policies towards China and fits into the
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policy landscape. For our listeners we will be sure to link to the report that Josh referenced
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and some of the work that he's done so you can learn more about what he's doing but
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thank you again Josh for for joining us today and also for giving us a sneak peek into
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this forthcoming database which you know we hope our listeners will check out once it's
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once it's available. Do we know when it's going to be available? I know it'll be in 2022
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with some time but yeah I expect it'll be later in the year 2022. Okay. Just again because of the
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tale of what we're doing here and it takes pretty sophisticated database as well to manage all this
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so it's it's you know a question of getting the data and then how do you you know the tools you
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need to manage it and present it in an accessible way. So there's a lot to be done but we're
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cranking away at it. Well good luck with that and I know our listeners will all benefit from that for sure.
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Thank you to our listeners if you've joined us through the entirety of season two
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we're just so grateful for your tuning in to this podcast. As always China Uncovered is a part of our
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broader China transparency efforts where we are just seeking to peel back the layers on all of the
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CCP's bad activities that they're engaging in all across the globe. Please be sure to check out our
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China Transparency Report at our website which of course there will be a link to the website
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into the report in our show notes and thank you once again for tuning in to China Uncovered.
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We hope you enjoyed this second season and we look forward to hopefully a season three in fall
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2022 wishing you and yours just a happy Christmas and a happy new year so don't forget to subscribe
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year. China Uncovered is brought to you by more than half a million members of the Heritage
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Foundation sound designed by Lauren Evans Mark Geine and John Pop.
Topics Covered
China Uncovered podcast
Heritage Foundation
China Transparency Project
China in Africa database
Chinese Communist Party
African engagements
US Refugee Program
geopolitics in Africa
Chinese activities in Africa
counterterrorism in Africa
natural resources in Africa
China's influence in international forums
Chinese investments in Africa
African voting block
China's economic inducements