"They're the violent, crazy ones!": How polarization warps our views of our political opponents - Episode Artwork
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"They're the violent, crazy ones!": How polarization warps our views of our political opponents

In this episode, we explore the dynamics of political polarization and how it distorts our perceptions of opponents. By examining group differences and the narratives we construct, we uncover the comp...

"They're the violent, crazy ones!": How polarization warps our views of our political opponents
"They're the violent, crazy ones!": How polarization warps our views of our political opponents
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Interactive Transcript

spk_0 I recently wrote a piece about political polarization for the site, the liberal patriot, titled,
spk_0 It's All the Other Sides Fault.
spk_0 That piece included some ideas I think are very important for understanding toxic conflict,
spk_0 but that are rarely discussed.
spk_0 For example, I think group differences are an important aspect of conflict.
spk_0 Groups in conflict will always have various differences, and those differences mean that
spk_0 rage and fear will manifest in very different ways.
spk_0 These differences make it easy for people in both groups to find bad or extreme aspects
spk_0 about the quote other side that aren't present for their own side.
spk_0 This in turn aids people in both groups in finding what seems like compelling, persuasive
spk_0 evidence that the toxic conflict they're in is all the other sides fault.
spk_0 No matter what your politics are, I think it's important to understand conflict dynamics.
spk_0 When we lack a good understanding of how conflict works, we'll tend to act in ways that further
spk_0 inflame and amplify the conflict.
spk_0 Ironically, we'll often act in ways that give more power and strength to our most angry
spk_0 and contemptuous opponents.
spk_0 If you like this piece or are skeptical about it, I hope you check out my work on toxic
spk_0 polarization.
spk_0 I have two books on polarization, which you can learn about at American-anger.com.
spk_0 One is for a politically liberal audience, the other is more general, and is written for
spk_0 all Americans.
spk_0 In those books, I attempt to address common objections and skepticism aimed at attempts
spk_0 to reduce polarization from people on the left and people on the right.
spk_0 Or you might like to subscribe to my sub-stack on this topic, which is at diffusingamericananger.substack.com.
spk_0 And yes, if you're wondering, this episode is being read by a robotic version of my voice.
spk_0 I'm quite busy these days, so just doing what I can to get out some content easily.
spk_0 I'm sorry about my robotic voice.
spk_0 You can find the Liberal Patriot site at LiberalPatriot.com.
spk_0 This piece of mine was published September 19th, 2025.
spk_0 If this topic interests you, you might like checking out that piece because it has quite
spk_0 a few resources linked from it.
spk_0 Okay, here's the piece.
spk_0 It's all the other sides fault.
spk_0 How we convince ourselves our opponents are dumb and evil, and we're blameless.
spk_0 When there's a dangerous fire, most people's first instinct is to grab a hose,
spk_0 not waste time trying to figure out how it started.
spk_0 Many believe the same about our politics.
spk_0 Stop the intellectual analysis and both sides and just help us defeat the bad actors.
spk_0 You hear it from Democrats and anti-Trump folks, and you hear it from Republicans and others angry at the left.
spk_0 But toxic polarization isn't a normal fire.
spk_0 It's a decades-long, slowly spreading blaze that many of us unknowingly feed every day,
spk_0 with contempt, cheap shots, and worst-case stories about them.
spk_0 Many of us tell ourselves stories about how ignorant, misinformed, and even evil the other side is,
spk_0 which acts as an accelerant.
spk_0 Our contempt and fear lead to more support for increasingly hostile,
spk_0 defeat them at all costs, approaches to politics, and public life.
spk_0 And if we can't figure out a way to put out this fire,
spk_0 it will put our experiment in self-government at grave risk.
spk_0 Can both sides be right?
spk_0 A major barrier to reducing toxic polarization is that so many of us,
spk_0 especially those who are highly politically involved,
spk_0 see our current toxic conflict as clearly the other side's fault.
spk_0 Many Republicans point to Democrats large and rapid,
spk_0 attitudinal shifts on issues like immigration, abortion, gender, policing, and more.
spk_0 Shifts they argue haven't been mirrored in scale on the right.
spk_0 These changes, compounded by what they perceive as harsh moral judgment from the left,
spk_0 have led many to conclude the left cause this conflict.
spk_0 On the other side, Democrats have become infuriated by Trump's contemptuous behaviors,
spk_0 rule-breaking, and refusal to accept the 2020 election.
spk_0 They believe there is no democratic version of someone with Trump's divisive personality
spk_0 and pension for defying democratic norms, and this leads many to conclude the right cause this conflict.
spk_0 People in both groups focus on the grievances that alarm them most,
spk_0 but often struggle to understand what bothers their adversaries.
spk_0 From the outside, our opponents' complaints can look minor,
spk_0 silly, or misinformed compared to our concerns,
spk_0 which we, naturally, see as legitimate and based in reality.
spk_0 The more we subscribe to these narratives, the more we risk becoming arrogant.
spk_0 Convince that you'd have to be an idiot, not to see which group is worse and more at fault
spk_0 for our conflict and division.
spk_0 All this serves to fan the flames of toxic polarization.
spk_0 Still, it's important to acknowledge that these competing narratives are built on true foundations.
spk_0 Regardless of which group's grievances are more defensible,
spk_0 the primary us versus them narratives rest unlogically defensible foundations.
spk_0 There are myriad data points and so many events unfolding around us on a daily basis
spk_0 that nobody can accurately process all of it, at least not in any objective, unbiased way.
spk_0 We thus rely on stories, stereotypes, and heuristics to help us make sense of things.
spk_0 So, even when we agree on the same facts, the specific moral frames through which we process the
spk_0 world can lead to entirely different views of what those facts mean and what they pretend for the
spk_0 future. This helps explain how rational, well-meaning people can reason their way to polar opposite
spk_0 views that they believe are good and righteous. A dynamic philosopher Kevin Dorst calls
spk_0 rational polarization. If we can lower our own arrogance, we might develop greater understanding
spk_0 of people who possess very different values and beliefs and perhaps act in ways that persuade
spk_0 instead of inflame, even as we still push for the causes we believe in.
spk_0 The fog of conflict Part of the difficulty in recognizing that other people are often
spk_0 more rational than we might think is that toxic conflict deranges our thinking,
spk_0 leading us to adopt overly pessimistic and catastrophizing views about them.
spk_0 Conflict rarely feels complicated when we're in it. Many of us simply see people on the other side
spk_0 and conclude, they are the aggressors, we are just defending ourselves. But these simple,
spk_0 black and white stories blind us to the complexity of the world and the people in it.
spk_0 As historian Jeffrey Blaney has observed, each side in a war tends to see history through its own
spk_0 eyes. Most serious conflicts have many causes, cross-currence and feedback loops, which makes it hard
spk_0 for the parties involved to ever get a clear view of the conflict. He writes that,
spk_0 the distinction between warmaker and peacemaker is often a mirage. One well-known aspect of conflict
spk_0 that obscures our view of people on the other side is the tendency to see them as all the same,
spk_0 as a monolithic, homogenous mass. This leads to all sorts of misunderstandings, including perception
spk_0 gaps, which convince people that the other side is much more extreme than they actually are.
spk_0 Another confusing aspect of conflict is that people in large groups always possess different
spk_0 traits and exhibit different behaviors. In the US, Democrats and Republicans differ on average
spk_0 in background, life experience, values, and moral priorities. This leads to differences in how each
spk_0 group manifests their anger and anxiety and even the assumptions they make about the world.
spk_0 For example, a mostly working class blue collar community is likely to come to these things
spk_0 differently than a mostly college educated group would. Each group will apply different types of
spk_0 social pressures on its members when it comes to their behavior and how they approach the conflict.
spk_0 And because these differences are usually substantial, each side can point to bad things they do
spk_0 that we don't do and then treat these things as definitive proof that their opponents are the problem.
spk_0 But the causes of conflict are often complex and two groups in conflict will always contribute to it
spk_0 in different ways. One, it's therefore worth examining some of the ways in which Republicans and
spk_0 Democrats can both arrive at the view that it's all the other sides fault, depending on which
spk_0 events and group traits they focus on. One, perceived support for violence. Many people believe it's
spk_0 the other side that's more violent, that they are the ones whose supporters are more likely to
spk_0 endorse political violence or at least more tolerant of such violence. Many on the left believe
spk_0 that right-wing extremism is by far a much more serious threat than liberal side extremism.
spk_0 They point to events like the Charlottesville Unite the right march, the assault on Nancy Pelosi's
spk_0 husband, murders by far right extremists like the 2022 Buffalo New York, mass murder, and the 2019
spk_0 El Paso, Texas, mass murder. And perhaps most prominently January 6th, the event that to them
spk_0 most embodies the violent threat posed by Trump and his diehard supporters.
spk_0 On the right, many see liberals as the violent ones. Conservatives focus on different events and
spk_0 different manifestations of social disruptions, including things like violence during the 2020
spk_0 George Floyd protests, aggressive tactics, by progressive activists, and most recently, the assassination
spk_0 of Charlie Kirk. They believe too many liberals either support or tacitly condone militancy and violence.
spk_0 Sometimes both groups even find evidence of the other side's violent nature in the same event.
spk_0 For example, following the assassination attempt on Trump and Pennsylvania, some of his supporters
spk_0 cast blame on liberals, while some liberals pointed to the shooters past political activity to
spk_0 score points against Republicans. Some people react in cruel and callous ways to violence aimed at
spk_0 the other side, which their opponents interpret as proof of pervasive sickness and immorality.
spk_0 The result of all this filtering is that both groups can end up genuinely wondering why is the
spk_0 other side so violent? Why do so many of them support violence? Influencing these views is an
spk_0 instinct many of us have to downplay the significance of violence associated with our group,
spk_0 even as we consider violence associated with the other side hugely consequential.
spk_0 If someone kills a political figure on the other side, we might be quick to imagine a deranged,
spk_0 mentally unwell individual. But if someone kills a political figure on our side,
spk_0 there can be a strong temptation to give it great meaning and quickly designate them as all culpable.
spk_0 The number of people who have committed politically motivated murder in recent decades is
spk_0 extremely small relative to the size of our population. We should recognize that even in the most
spk_0 unified country, there will always be some people drawn to hate and violence. Moreover, many in the
spk_0 media and political realm vastly overstate the number of Americans who actually support political
spk_0 violence. It's natural for violent events to upset and scare us. But we should consider whether
spk_0 we're overreacting to what our rare incidents of violence, statistically speaking, in an otherwise
spk_0 very peaceful country, and how our tendency to cherry-pick bad behaviors and see the worst in
spk_0 each other can amplify divides and even lead to self-fulfilling prophecies.
spk_0 Second class and cultural stereotypes. The divide is also heavily influenced by education and class.
spk_0 Democrats tend to have higher levels of formal education and are more concentrated in high-income
spk_0 professional sectors and urban areas. Republicans, by contrast, are overrepresented in working class,
spk_0 rural, and religious communities and are less likely to hold advanced degrees. These differences
spk_0 help each side create negative, oversimplified stories about the other. On the left, it's common to
spk_0 hear that Republicans and Trump supporters are anti-science, easily manipulated, or even in a cult.
spk_0 They're willfully ignorant, duped by conspiracy theories, or two intellectually backward to see
spk_0 what's obvious to smarter, more educated people. You'll find liberals saying things like,
spk_0 of course, education makes you more politically liberal. That's because conservatism is backwards.
spk_0 On the right, it's often the inverse. Liberals are out of touch elites captured by academic jargon
spk_0 and niche activist ideas. They're arrogant, disconnected from the lives of normal Americans,
spk_0 and smugly dismissive of, or even hostile toward, people who aren't like them.
spk_0 Again, some of these narratives may contain elements of truth, but in the hands of highly angry
spk_0 political actors, they will often involve worst case interpretations and excessive contempt.
spk_0 What's missing is empathy and nuance, understanding that by and large, people on the other side
spk_0 have real, defensible fears and frustrations, and that each group's fears influence the others.
spk_0 Three, accusations of hate. Democrats and Republicans both believe that people on the other side
spk_0 hate them much more than they do. This is one of many self-reinforcing elements of our conflict.
spk_0 When we think they hate us, we are naturally inclined to act in more hostile ways towards them.
spk_0 This in turn encourages them to treat us worse, which makes us treat them worse,
spk_0 and on and on we continue down a doom spiral of toxic conflict.
spk_0 In the course of working on reducing polarization, I've talked to many Republicans who focus on
spk_0 the toxicity they've seen and personally experienced from liberals. It's true that there are
spk_0 many pieces of evidence one can find to support that narrative. For example, surveys show that
spk_0 Democrats are more likely to cut off friendships or even family members for political reasons.
spk_0 Some Republicans are tempted to use this as another building block for the, this is all Democrats'
spk_0 fault narrative. However, another way of interpreting that statistic is that many Democrats and others
spk_0 too are turned off by Trump's divisive personality and by those who support him even in the face of it,
spk_0 or who even emulate his confrontational and even dehumanizing rhetoric.
spk_0 Group differences can leave many of us concluding with certainty, see, this shows this is all their fault.
spk_0 In these moments, we should try our best to strive for humility and to remember that the complexity
spk_0 of the world and of conflict makes it easy for us to see what we seek to find, but harder to see
spk_0 the best in our adversaries. Four, cultural versus political power. Over at least the past few decades,
spk_0 politically liberal people and ideas have come to dominate key cultural institutions like academia,
spk_0 journalism, and the entertainment industry. This imbalance in cultural power has led to an
spk_0 abundance of conservative aimed insults and provocations generated by the people in those institutions.
spk_0 That cultural power imbalance sometimes augments other group differences. For example,
spk_0 many conservatives believe there exists a powerful politically liberal establishment,
spk_0 one that at best misunderstands them and at worst distains them. Feeling like an underdog fighting a
spk_0 vast, culturally dominant adversary can generate more support for an aggressive,
spk_0 contemptuous personality like Trump's. For many of his supporters, his belligerence isn't
spk_0 necessarily a flaw, but rather a justified form of defiance against an establishment that is
spk_0 entirely against them. But while liberals have dominated the culture for at least the past decade,
spk_0 they control few levers of political power at this moment. Consider America's key institutions,
spk_0 the presidency, US Senate, US House, Supreme Court, Governorships, and State Legislatures.
spk_0 Republicans have more power than Democrats in every single one, and many Democrats fear they
spk_0 may be essentially locked out of power in key institutions in the near future. So, although they
spk_0 continue to hold immense cultural power, many Democrats likely feel powerless in the face of Trump's
spk_0 second term, especially when he has the support of the Congress, and often the Supreme Court too.
spk_0 If we treat our political divides like a normal fire, one that simply requires stamping out a
spk_0 perceived threat, we will continue to make missteps, convinced that we're helping extinguish the
spk_0 danger when in fact we're feeding it with more kindling. To put out this fire, we must first
spk_0 understand how it spreads. In the warped stories we tell ourselves about our opponents, humans
spk_0 are skilled storytellers. We're good at taking new tidbits of information and fitting them into
spk_0 our existing narratives. In the age of the internet, it is easier than ever before to use these
spk_0 bits to construct and bolster our preferred narratives. Decent people build stories from certain facts,
spk_0 emotions, and social worlds that make sense to them, but many come to view those who have different
spk_0 stories with contempt, accelerating the fire. This is how we become arrogant, how we so easily fall
spk_0 for the, it's obviously all their fault framings that keep us mired in toxicity and contempt.
spk_0 Everyone believes they are on the side of good, but it's often harder to see that in our ideological
spk_0 adversaries, only when we understand them as people who also believe their views to be good and
spk_0 righteous, the same as ourselves, will we be better positioned to work towards our goals without
spk_0 dehumanizing, to work to persuade instead of provoke, and to stop feeding the blaze, the vast
spk_0 majority of us wish to contain. A footnote, the biggest objection I hear to depolarization efforts
spk_0 is that people think it means embracing what they see as a false equivalency, a stance that both
spk_0 sides are equally bad, but it's possible to reject the idea that both sides have contributed equally
spk_0 while acknowledging that both Democrats and Republicans have in fact played some role in perpetuating
spk_0 our current conflict. Okay, that was the piece I wrote for Liberal Patriot. If you like this piece,
spk_0 or are skeptical about it, I hope you check out my work on this topic. I have two books on polarization
spk_0 which you can learn about at american-anger.com, or you can check out my sub-stack at defusing-american-anger.substack.com.
spk_0 This has been Zachary L. Wood. Thanks for listening.
spk_0 This podcast is part of the Mercury Network. To find your next favorite show, like mine,
spk_0 five random questions, visit mercurypodcast.com now.